Column: Economics
Region: Europe
In the clearest sign to
date, EU Ambassadors to Beijing have just released a document critical of
China’s vast Belt, Road Initiative or New Economic Silk Road infrastructure
project. All EU ambassadors excepting Hungary signed off on the paper in a
declaration of growing EU opposition to what is arguably the most promising
economic project in the past century if not more. The move fits conveniently with
the recent Trump Administration targeting of China technology trade as tensions
grow.
Twenty-seven of the 28 EU
ambassadors to China have just signed a report sharply critical of China’s BRI
development. Ironically, as if the EU states or their companies did not do the
same, the report attacks China for using the BRI to hamper free trade and put
Chinese companies at an advantage. The document claims that the Chinese New
Economic Silk Road project, unveiled by Xi Jinping in 2013, “runs counter to
the EU agenda for liberalizing trade and pushes the balance of power in
favor of subsidized Chinese companies.”
Two Models of Global
Development
Chinese President Xi Jinping
first proposed what today is the Belt, Road Initiative, today the most
ambitious infrastructure project in modern history, at a university in
Kazakhstan five years ago in 2013. Despite repeated efforts by Beijing to
enlist the European Union as a whole and individual EU member states, the
majority to date have remained cool or distant with the exception of Hungary,
Greece and several eastern EU countries. When China officially launched the
project and held an international conference in Beijing in May 2017, it was
largely boycotted by EU heads of state. Germany’s Merkel sent her economics
minister who accused the Chinese of lack of commitments to social and
environmental sustainability and transparency in procurement.
Now 27 of 28 EU ambassadors in
Beijing have signed a statement suspiciously similar to that of the German
position. According to the German business daily, Handelsblatt, the
EU ambassadors’ declaration states that the China BRI “runs counter to the EU
agenda for liberalizing trade and pushes the balance of power in favor of
subsidized Chinese companies.” Hungary was the only country refusing to sign.
The latest EU statement, soon
to be followed by a long critical report on the new Silk Road from the EU
Commission in Brussels, fits very much the agenda of the Trump Administration
in its latest trade tariffs against Chinese goods that alleges that Chinese
companies force US partners to share technology in return for projects in
China.
Moreover, the EU Commission
has just released a long report on China in connection with new EU anti-dumping
rules. The report declares that the fact that China is a state-directed economy
with state-owned enterprises engaging in the construction of the Belt Road
Initiative is in effect “the problem.” China answers that her economy is in the
“primary stage of socialism”, has a “socialist market economy” and views the
state-owned economy as the “leading force” of national development. The targeting of China’s
state enterprises and of its state-directed economic model is a direct attack
on her very economic model. Beijing is not about to scrap that we can be sure.
The latest stance of EU member
states, led by Germany and Macron’s France, is an attempt to pressure China
into adhering to the 2013 World Bank document, China 2030. There,
as we noted in an earlier analysis, it declared that China must complete
radical market reforms, to follow the failed Western “free market” model
implemented in the West since the 1970’s with disastrous consequences for
employment and stability. China 2030 states, “It is imperative that China …
develop a market-based system with sound foundations…while a vigorous private
sector plays the more important role of driving growth.” The report, cosigned
then by the Chinese Finance Ministry and State Council, further declared that
“China’s strategy toward the world will need to be governed by a few key
principles: open markets, fairness and equity, mutually beneficial cooperation,
global inclusiveness and sustainable development.”
As Xi Jinping established his
presidency and domination of the Party after 2013, China issued a quite
different document that is integral to the BRI project of President Xi. This
document, China 2025: Made in China, calls for China to emerge from
its initial stage as an economy assembling technologies for Apple or GM or
other Western multinationals under license, to become self-sufficient in its
own technology. The dramatic success of China mobile phone company Huawei to
rival Apple or Samsung is a case in point. Under China 2025 the goal is to
develop the next transformation from that of a cheap-labor assembly economy to
an exporter of Made in China products across the board from shipbuilding in
context of the Maritime Silk Road to advanced aircraft to Artificial
Intelligence and space technologies.
Refusal to Constructively
Engage
By its recent critical
actions, the EU Commission and most EU states are, while not slamming the door
shut on what is developing as one of the few positive growth spots outside
military spending in the world today, doing everything to lessen the engagement
of EU states in the BRI.
For its part, China and
Chinese state companies are investing in modernizing and developing deep water
ports to handle the new Silk Road trade flows more efficiently. China’s State
Oceanic Administration (SOA) is responsible for developing the so-called “blue
economy” maritime ports and shipping infrastructure, the “belt” in Belt and
Road. Last year China’s marine industries, exploitation of ocean resources and
services such as tourism and container and other transport, generated the
equivalent of more than $1 trillion turnover. Little wonder that China sees
investment in ocean shipping and ports a high priority.
Sea lane shipping via the
Malacca Strait and Suez is at present China’s life line for trade to EU states
and vulnerable to potential US interdiction in event of a serious clash. Today
twenty-five percent of world trade passes through the Malacca Strait. Creation
of a network of new ports independent of that vulnerable passage is one aim of
the BRI.
The Piraeus Example
China’s Maritime Silk Road
envisions directing state investment into key sectors such as acquisition of
port management agreements, investment in modernized container ports and
related infrastructure in select EU states.
At present the most developed
example is the Greek port of Piraeus, operated under an agreement with the
Chinese state company, COSCO, as port operator. Modernization and more than
€1.5 billion investment from China has dramatically increased the port’s
importance. In 2016 Piraeus’s container traffic grew by over 14 percent and
COSCO plans to turn Piraeus into the fifth largest European port for container
traffic. Before COSCO, it was not even in the EU top 15 in 2007. In 2016 COSCO
bought 51% of Piraeus Port Authority for €280 million, and now owns 66%. Last
year Piraeus Port, COSCO and Shanghai Port Authority, China’s largest container
port, signed a joint agreement to further boost trade and efficiency at
Piraeus. Greek Deputy Economy Minister Stergios Pitsiorlas said at the time,
“The agreement means that huge quantities of goods will be transported to Piraeus from Shanghai.”
As the economically-troubled
Greek economy produces few products China needs, China has encouraged growth of
a mainstay of Greece’s economy, tourism trade with China. This year an
estimated 200,000 Chinese tourists will visit Greece and spend billions there.
As Piraeus is also a port for luxury cruise liners, Chinese cruise operators
are servicing that as well. China company Fosun International, engaged in
modernizing the former site of Athens Airport into one of the biggest
real-estate projects in Europe, is also interested in investing in Greek
tourism. Significantly, they own a share in Thomas Cook Group and are designing
holiday packages aimed at the huge China tourist market. Fosun sees 1.5 million
Chinese tourists in Greece in the next five years and is investing to
accommodate at least a fair share.
Piraeus is only one part of
China’s larger maritime strategy. Today Chinese ships handle a mere 25% of
Chinese ocean container shipping. Part of the Made in China 2025 transformation
is to increase that by investing in state-of-the-art commercial shipbuilding
modernization. China’s State Oceanic Administration and the NDRC national
development council have defined select industries in the port and shipbuilding
sector as “strategic.” This means they get priority in receiving state support.
Areas include upgrading fisheries, shipbuilding, and offshore oil and gas
technologies and technologies for exploitation of deep sea resources. Further
areas of priority in the current 5-year China state plan include developing a modern
maritime services industry with coastal and sea tourism, public transport, and
maritime finance. All these will benefit from the BRI Silk Road.
This is the heart of the
present Xi Jinping transformation of China from a cheap labor screwdriver
assembly economy to an increasingly self-reliant producer of its own
high-technology products. This is what the ongoing Trump Section 301 and other
trade war measures target. This is what the EU is increasingly trying to block.
China is determined to develop and create new markets for its goods as well as
new sources of imports. This is the essence of the Belt and Road Initiative.
Why import oil platforms from
US companies if China can make them itself? Why charter Maersk or other EU
shipping companies to carry Chinese goods to the EU market if China can do the
same in their own ships? Isn’t the “free market,” so much touted since the
1970’s in the West, supposed to be about competition? In 2016 the Central
Committee of China’s Communist Party and the State Council adopted the
“Innovation Driven Development Strategy”, adopted in 2016 by the Central
Committee and the State Council. According to this China intends to become an
“innovative country” by 2020, to move into the top tier of innovative countries
by 2030-35, and attain global leadership by 2050. This is what China 2025 is
all about and why Washington and the EU Commission are alarmed. They have a
plan. We in the West have so-called free markets.
Rather than take the Chinese
strategy as a challenge to be better, they attack. For certain EU interests,
free market works fine when they dominate the market. If someone comes along
and does it one better, that is “unfair,” and they demand a “level playing
field” as if the world economy was some kind of cricket field.
Silk Road Fund
One of the most amusing
charges by EU countries against China and their state-guided economic model—a
model not too different in essence by the way from the model used by Japan
after the war or by South Korea– is that EU critics attack the funding
practices of the China Silk Road Fund. A report by the German government has
criticized the fact that Chinese state banks give some 80% of their loans for
the BRI projects to Chinese companies.
The Silk Road Fund is a
Chinese state fund established three years ago with $40 billion initial capital
to finance select projects in Eurasia of the BRI or Silk Road. It is not to be
confused with the separate Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Among its
various projects to date are construction of a Mombasa–Nairobi Standard Gauge
Railway; investment in the Karot Hydropower Project and other hydropower
projects in Pakistan as part of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor; or a
share of Yamal LNG project in Russia.
The fact that a Chinese
state-controlled fund, investing funds resulting from the hard work of Chinese
people to produce real goods and services, decided to use its state funds to
benefit Chinese companies is hardly surprising. The real issue is that the
European Union as a group or the individual states so far have boycotted full
engagement with what could be the locomotive of economic recovery for the
entire EU. They could easily create their own versions of China’s Silk Road
Fund, under whatever name, to give subsidized state-guaranteed credits to German
or other EU companies for projects along the BRI, along the model of Germany’s
Marshall Plan bank, KfW, which was used effectively in rebuilding communist
East Germany after 1990. This it seems they do not want. So they boycott
Chinafor lack of “transparency” instead.
These examples are useful to
illustrate what is going on and how ineffective the EU “free market” model is
against a coordinated state development strategy. It is time to rethink how
France, Germany, and other EU member states rebuilt after World War II. The
state played an essential role.
F. William Engdahl is
strategic risk consultant and lecturer, he holds a degree in politics
from Princeton University and is a best-selling author on oil and
geopolitics, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook.”
https://journal-neo.org/2018/04/26/will-eu-block-china-economic-silk-road/
https://journal-neo.org/2018/04/26/will-eu-block-china-economic-silk-road/
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