MAY 16,
2018
Photo by
Jordi Bernabeu Farrús | CC BY 2.0
Two
spectacles unfolded in Palestine on Monday. In Gaza, Israeli army snipers
shot and killed 58 Palestinians—including six children—and injured almost three
thousand others amid scenes of smoke, fire, teargas, dust, agony and
blood. At exactly the same time, to the tinkling of champagne glasses at
a glittering reception barely fifty miles away in Jerusalem, Jared Kushner and
an elegant Ivanka Trump oversaw the opening of Donald Trump’s new embassy
there. The juxtaposition of these two contemporaneous scenes encapsulates
at a single glance the entirety of Zionism’s murderous conflict with the
Palestinian people.
The
Palestinians targeted and executed one-by-one by Israeli snipers had gathered
to demand their right of return to their lands and homes inside the rest of
Palestine, from the coastal plain up to and including Jerusalem. They or
their parents or grandparents were driven from their homes during the Zionist
ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1948 for the simple reason that they are not
Jewish: too many non-Jews in the putative Jewish state would not make for much
of a Jewish state after all. (“There could be no Jewish state with a
large and hostile Arab minority in its midst. There would be no such
state. It would not be able to exist,” the Israeli historian Benny Morris
bluntly pointed out in an interview justifying ethnic cleansing with the
newspaper Ha’aretz in 2004; “a Jewish state would not have
come into being without the uprooting of 700,000 Palestinians . . . [therefore]
it was necessary to uproot them”). They have been denied the right to
return to their homes ever since for the same reason: they are not Jewish, and
their presence would upset the carefully-engineered demographic tables
maintained by the state to preserve its tenuous claim to an exclusively Jewish
identity. The maintenance of that demographic balance and the suspension
of their political and human rights are inseparable from one another: the one
enables, produces and requires the other.
The
demographer Arnon Sofer of Haifa University is the architect of the current
isolation of Gaza. In 2004, he advised the government of Ariel Sharon to
withdraw Israeli forces from within Gaza, seal the territory off from the
outside world, and simply shoot anyone who tries to break out. “When 2.5
million people live in a closed-off Gaza, it’s going to be a human
catastrophe,” Sofer told an interviewer in the Jerusalem Post (11
November 2004); “Those people will become even bigger animals than they are
today, with the aid of an insane fundamentalist Islam. The pressure at
the border will be awful. It’s going to be a terrible war. So, if
we want to remain alive, we will have to kill and kill and kill. All day,
every day.” He added that “the only thing that concerns me is how to
ensure that the boys and men who are going to have to do the killing will be
able to return home to their families and be normal human beings.”
This
imperative to kill and kill and kill human “animals” explains the violence
taking place at the gates of Gaza—which has been sealed off precisely according
to Sofer’s prescription—for the past several weeks, most calamitously this
Monday. The killing now taking place is, in other words, exactly, to the
letter, the “killing and killing and killing” he called for fourteen years ago.
Calmly premeditated and intentionally designed by its architect, it is
equally calmly and intentionally being carried out by Israeli soldiers (about
whose psychological traumas I, unlike Sofer, am not even remotely
interested). In response to the current killing and shooting, a senior
member of the Israeli parliament, Avi Dichter, reassured his audience on live
television on Monday that they need not be unduly concerned. Their army,
he told them, “has enough bullets for everyone.” If every man, woman and
child in Gaza gathers at the gate, in other words, there is a bullet for every
one of them. They can all be killed, no problem.
Remember
Kurtz in Heart of Darkness? “Exterminate the brutes!” The genocidal intent expressed by the likes of Sofer and Dichter—mainstream and senior figures in Israeli politics—is so obvious as to make assiduous interpretation of their words unnecessary. The people of Gaza are
exterminable because they are not Jewish: that is what the situation amounts
to, not according to critics of the siege of Gaza, but according to its
architects, planners, enablers and supporters. For that exterminability,
and the ability to calmly and methodically transact it (“kill and kill and
kill”) guarantees one thing, according to Sofer (in that same interview): “it
guarantees a Zionist-Jewish state with an overwhelming majority of Jews.”
To be clear then: according to its own planners and architects—these are their words,
not mine—the maintenance of a “Zionist-Jewish” state fundamentally requires the
Israeli army to prepare itself with a bullet for every man, woman and child in
Gaza, and to shoot them one by one if they approach the gates penning them
in. And if none of them are left after the smoke clears, well, so much
the better; Israeli “boys and men” will return to their families and sleep
better at night for not having to kill them any longer.
Exactly
as Israeli snipers were following their orders to “kill and kill and kill,”
Jared Kushner was marking the occasion of the opening of the embassy with an
inane speech extolling the virtues of his bombastic father in law.
Kushner was empowered to present this speech not because of his
qualifications (he has none), not because of his accomplishments (he has none),
not because of his insights (he has none), not because of his charisma or
strength of character (he has none), not because of his oratorial skills (he
has none), and certainly not because of the rousing qualities of the speech
itself (it had none). He was empowered to do so simply because he is Jewish;
that is the one single attribute that brings him to the table: an act of birth.
But acts
of birth are randomly distributed by the hand of fate. And fate played
one hand to Jared Kushner and a different hand to Ezzedine al-Samaak (14 years
old), Ahmad al-Shair (16 years old), Said al-Khair (16 years old), Ibrahim
al-Zarqa (18 years old) and Iman al-Sheikh (19 years old). They were all
born in Gaza, refugees and the children of refugees driven by Zionist shock
troops from their homes elsewhere in southwestern Palestine in 1948.
Unlike Jared Kushner, who was in Jerusalem because he is Jewish, they cannot go
to Jerusalem, because they are not Jewish. Unlike Jared Kushner, who can
go to Jerusalem whenever he wants in the future because he is Jewish, they will
never go to Jerusalem because they were shot in the head by Israeli army
snipers on Monday and they are now all dead. Having robbed them of their
past and their present, the state of Israel stole their future as well.
And it did so—it could do so—simply because they are not Jewish.
There is
a direct link between the events in Jerusalem and those taking place in Gaza;
Netanyahu himself pointed it out. “We are here in Jerusalem, protected by the
brave soldiers of the army of Israel,” he said at the opening ceremony on
Monday, “and our brave soldiers, our brave soldiers are protecting the borders
of Israel as we speak today.” By “brave soldiers,” of course, he meant
cowardly snipers hiding in reinforced positions and shooting unarmed civilians
at a distance of 1,000 meters; and by “protecting” he meant killing and killing
and killing, exactly according to Dr. Sofer’s prescription.
There
are two racial groups in close proximity in Palestine. The members of one
racial group—the one to which Netanyahu and Kushner belong—are free to come and
go as they please, to live life, to travel, to study, to work, to raise
children. The members of the other racial group are to varying degrees
denied those rights, though nowhere more starkly and abjectly than in Gaza,
where over two million people have simply been rounded up and warehoused
without prospects or hopes, let alone rights, simply because their very
existence is deemed to be a mortal threat to the exclusive racial identity of a
state that was violently established on their land and at their expense.
To maintain the exclusive identity of that state, these people must either
accept their fate as essentially human cargo in permanent storage—a superfluous
population—or take the bullets that the Israeli army has prepared for each one
of them.
And
that, fundamentally, is what Zionism’s conflict with the Palestinians is all
about. At few other moments than the present has the juxtaposition
between the racially privileged and the racially dehumanized and exterminable
been so crystal clear. Liberal Zionists like Peter Beinart or Roger Cohen
may wring their hands and bewail the crude and explicit viciousness of
Netanyahu and his circle or the hideousness of the spectacle unfolding at the
locked gates of Gaza. They harken back to the golden days of the 1950s
and 1960s, when the Palestinians seemed (to the fevered Zionist imagination) to
have quietly vanished, as though by magic. But what is happening today is
not an aberration. This is what Zionism has always entailed and what it
will always entail. “Colonialism is not a thinking machine, nor a
body endowed with reasoning faculties,” Frantz Fanon once pointed out.
“It is violence in its natural state.” It is not possible for a
settler-colonial regime to racially enable one people at the expense of another
people without the use of violence. As Arnon Sofer himself admits, the
maintenance of a “Zionist-Jewish state with an overwhelming majority of Jews”
requires permanent institutionalized violence. That was already true in
1948 and it remains true today and it will remain true until this project of
racial exclusivism and privilege is abandoned once and for all for the hideous
anachronism that it is.
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