America’s
forgotten war with Mexico
America’s
war of expansion over Mexico, backed by newspapers and politicians, has
repercussions to the present day.
by SHANE
QUINNDecember 3, 2017, 22:52
Reflecting
on his life while dying of throat cancer in 1885, the former US President
Ulysses S. Grant said the Mexican-American war was, “the most wicked war in
history. I thought so at the time, when I was a youngster, only I had not moral
courage enough to resign”.
Grant
had first-hand experience as he himself fought in the Mexican-American War
(1846-1848), then as a junior officer in his mid-20s. Less than two decades
later, he rose to prominence as one of the most important figures during the
American Civil War – as Commanding General his powerful Union Army finally
crushed the under-resourced Confederates.
Grant
would become a two-term American President (1869-1877), initially taking the
job with reluctance. “I have been forced into it in spite of myself”, he wrote
to William Sherman, a fellow Union Army general during the civil war.
Despite
involvement in various conflicts, the Mexican-American War haunted Grant
to the end. “I had a horror of the Mexican War and I have always believed it
was on our part most unjust. The wickedness was in the conduct of the war. We
had no claim on Mexico. Texas had no claim beyond the Nueces River, and yet we
pushed on to the Rio Grande and crossed it. I am always ashamed of my country
when I think of that invasion”.
What is
striking about Grant’s views today is how remarkably forthright they are. It
would prove unthinkable for US presidents in later centuries to express ethical
misgivings about the attacks on Korea or Vietnam, Afghanistan or Iraq – despite
the much greater destruction and loss of life.
The
defeat of Mexico consolidated US expansion of its territorial size by almost
25%. Texas had initially been annexed from Mexico in 1845, a state almost three
times the size of Britain.
The
Mexican government refused to recognise Texas’s illegal incorporation into
American terrain. By May of the following year (1846), the US had declared war
on its southern neighbour. US President James K. Polk utilised the pretext that
attacking Mexican forces had “passed the boundary of the United States [in
Texas], has invaded our territory and shed American blood upon American soil”.
In
truth, the “American soil” was Mexican soil annexed to become part of the US.
The Americans were awaiting a ruse in which they could attack Mexico without
causing unwanted popular uproar, allowing the US to make further gains into
Mexican land.
In all
the time since, there has been little demand from democratic leaders for the US
to return Mexico’s stolen territories – or at least to recognise a gross
injustice was inflicted upon her.
Instead,
we hear hypocritical laments over Russia’s “annexation” of Crimea in 2014 – a
region that was firstly part of Russia (from 1783-1917) and then later under
the sphere of the USSR (1917-1991).
The
principal purpose for America’s war of conquest over Mexico was gaining
monopoly over cotton production. In the 19th century, cotton
was as vital as oil is today, and also represented a key commodity of the slave
industry. Control over cotton “would bring England to its feet”. President Polk
openly recognised this, as did his immediate predecessor, former President John
Tyler.
Indeed,
Tyler said of Texas’s 1845 annexation, “By securing the virtual
monopoly of the cotton plant”, America had acquired “a greater influence over
the affairs of the world than would be found in armies however strong, or
navies however numerous”.
Tyler continued,
“That monopoly, now secured, places all other nations at our feet. An embargo
of a single year would produce in Europe a greater amount of suffering than a
fifty years war. I doubt whether Great Britain could avoid convulsions”.
The
American victory over Mexico in February 1848, led to the Treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo. It saw the US take not only Texas from Mexico, but also California,
half of New Mexico, most of Arizona, Nevada and Utah, along with parts of
Wyoming and Colorado. Much of these areas were rich in cotton, with the
conquests signifying an epic land-grab whose repercussions last to the current
day.
In
keeping with modern times, the Free Press championed America’s illegal
interventions. James Gordon Bennett – editor and founder of the New York
Herald– then the US’s biggest selling newspaper, wrote approvingly
that Britain was “completely bound and manacled with the cotton cords. A lever
with which we can successfully control” their main rival. Not a word of the
unwarranted acts perpetrated against Mexico.
Indeed,
Bennett was hopeful that
the Mexicans’ fate would be “similar to that of the Indians of this country –
the race, before a century rolls over, will become extinct”. He wrote about the
“imbecility and degradation of the Mexican people”.
Bennett
was one of the major figures in the history of the American press, and felt
that “the idea of amalgamation [of races] has been always abhorrent to the
Anglo-Saxon race on this continent”.
The
Cincinnati Herald editor described Mexicans
as “degraded mongrel races”, along with Native Americans. The editor of the
Augusta Daily Chronicle, in Georgia, offered prior warning in 1846 that
attacking Mexico would likely reveal “a sickening mixture, consisting of such a
conglomeration of Negroes and Rancheros, Mestizoes and Indians, with but a few
Castilians [Spaniards]”.
In 1845
James Buchanan, future US President, insisted that “our race of men can never
be subjected to the imbecile and indolent Mexican race”. Texas Senator Sam
Houston went even further, saying in 1848 that “the Mexicans are no better than
Indians, and I see no reason why we should not go on in the same course now and
take their land [all of Mexico].”
Walt
Whitman, America’s famous journalist and poet, asked “What has miserable,
inefficient Mexico… to do with the great mission of peopling the New World with
a noble race?”
With
these prevailing attitudes, a quick, easy victory was expected over Mexico.
However, it was anything but, as the Mexican Army fought valiantly, surprising
its over-confident American foe. The conflict lasted almost two years, before
the weight of superior US forces finally told.
Following
Mexico’s defeat, a new artificial border was imposed which remained quite open.
Those wishing to cross it to visit relatives or engage in commerce found it a
straightforward affair. That is, until the 1990s, when the Clinton
administration began fortifying and militarising the Mexican border.
George
W. Bush then aggressively expanded
upon Clinton’s initiatives along the frontier – under the pretexts of shielding
the US from illegal immigrants, terrorists or drug dealers.
The
territorial gains over Mexico have largely been erased from memory, despite
having occurred comfortably within the past 200 years. It seems plausible that
many Americans living in Texas or California may be unaware they are sitting on
occupied Mexican land.
The
American writer and lecturer Ralph Waldo Emerson said, “It really doesn’t
matter by what means Mexico is taken, as it contributes to the mission of
‘civilising the world’ and, in the long run, it will be forgotten”.
It has
not been forgotten by Mexicans, however. In April this year Mexico’s former
presidential candidate, Cuauhtemoc Cardenas, urged his government to bring a
lawsuit against America in the International court of Justice, for reparations
and indemnification.
A lawyer
working for Cardenas said, “We are going to make a strong and tough case,
because we are right. They were in Mexican territory in a military invasion”.
One suspects Ulysses S. Grant would be in their corner.
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