09.08.2019 Author: F. William Engdahl
Column: Economics
Region: Eastern Asia
Country: China
With the US decision to impose
added tariffs on more than $300 billion of China trade, and the US Treasury
declaring China a “currency manipulator”, global financial markets have reacted
with sharp selling. The question is whether this is the beginning of a genuine
currency war that will trigger a new Financial Tsunami as bad if not worse than
that of the Lehman Crisis in 2008. The timing also coincides with escalation of
geopolitical clashes between Washington and Venezuela, between India and China
and Pakistan over Kashmir, between Turkey with Syria and with Cyprus, as well
as the escalating tensions between Hong Kong and Beijing. Are we on the verge
of a so-called “perfect storm” that will transform the post-1945 global order?
After the breakoff of talks between
Washington and Beijing at end of July, US President Trump announced his
decision to impose added tariff sanctions on another $300 billion of China
products. At that point the Peoples’ Bank of China (PBOC) let the exchange rate
of the yuan fall below a psychological resistance level of 7.0 to the US
dollar. It had kept the currency above 7.0 for more than a decade to stabilize
US trade flows. US stocks reacted with one-day falls of well over 3%, paper
losses over $1 trillion and a sharp rise in gold, as investors began to prepare
for what could become a dangerous currency war with the world’s second largest
economy. In addition, reneging on previous pledges to import more US
agriculture products, the Beijing government ordered state buyers to stop all
US agriculture purchases at the same time. As well, evidence grows that Beijing
is making business more difficult for certain foreign firms in China.
Renminbi Currency Reserves
Although the PBOC over the next two
days moved to stop the fall of the Renminbi (RMB), easing fears of all-out
currency wars, as of this writing the China currency is poised to fall
significantly, putting major pressure on other Asian export countries such as
Japan and South Korea and India. At the same time China’s special financial
window to the Western markets, Hong Kong, stands on the brink of a possible
martial law and military crackdown from the PLA troops of the mainland, to end
weeks of huge popular protest against new laws that would weaken agreed
provisions of Hong Kong autonomy. Martial law in one of Asia’s major financial
centers would not be positive for China’s efforts to get the China currency
accepted as a major reserve currency for trade, a cornerstone of the
government’s long term strategy. It would also not help China attract hundreds
of billions of foreign investment in its own bond and stock markets.
What is not yet clear is whether
this series of events portends the end of the globalization of the world
economy on which China has built its impressive economic expansion on for the
past three decades or so. One key issue is what impact the latest escalation of
economic tensions between Washington and Beijing will have on the long-term
strategy of making the China currency a major world reserve currency, a
critical step for their future ability to fully integrate with global capital
markets and expand their ambitious Belt Road Initiative. Here is where signs
are that the latest moves to allow the Renminbi to break the critical 7.0 level
may be more psychological warfare than actual full financial warfare.
After years of trying, China
finally won acceptance of the Renminbi as one of only five world currencies
composing the IMF Special Drawing Rights (SDR) currency basket along with the
US dollar, British Pound, Japan Yen, and Euro in beginning of 2016. The aim has
been that the Renminbi could begin to partly replace the dollar in world trade.
Were that to happen it would be a major gain for China as a global financial
factor and a major reduction of the role of the US dollar and US influence.
Since 1945 US global hegemony has rested on two pillars–the US military as
dominant and the dollar as world reserve.
Since the 1944 Bretton Woods
agreement, the US dollar has been the dominant currency in world trade and also
in world central bank reserves. With introduction of the Euro almost two
decades ago, many predicted the dominance of the dollar would end and with it,
an enormous advantage the US has to run US budget deficits financed by others
including China whose trade surplus dollars inevitably go to buy US Treasury
and related debt. Since the Greek crisis after 2010 exposed major flaws in the
Euro architecture and the weakness of EU banks, the challenge from the Euro as
alternative to the dollar has stagnated.
Latest IMF data show the dollar
still holds some 61% of the world central bank reserves and still dominates
world trade currencies with 40% of all payments in dollars while 30% are in
Euro including the large intra-EU trade. As of 2018 the China RMB accounted for
less than 2% of all global payments and around 1% of world central bank reserve
holdings. This will become of vital importance to China now as it sees 25 years
of unprecedented trade and balance of current account surpluses turn to deficit
beginning this year or next.
China Surplus Falling
Current account surplus has defined
China’s economic rise and her status as major source of global credit as the
Peoples Bank of China (PBOC) invested record export surpluses into foreign
assets, mainly government bonds, and much of that US government bonds. Some
economists warn that the PBOC could deploy its financial weapon against US
pressure by dumping an estimated $1.3 trillion of US bonds, likely collapsing
the US economy in the process. Such dramatic action is however unlikely as
China would become a major loser in the process. Not only would the value of
China US bonds collapse, also China’s ability to attract hundreds of billions
of foreign investment in China bond markets would be at high risk.
This year for the first time in 25
years China is likely to run a deficit in its current account. Current account,
the sum of trade balances and capital flows, has been hugely positive for China
since the mid-1990s as it became the cheap labor “workshop of the world.”
China Needs Foreign Investors
This year for the first time in
nearly 25 years China is expected to have a deficit on its Current Account.
This is no small matter. A new report by Wall Street bank, Morgan Stanley,
estimates that to balance this growing deficit China will need to attract
billions in foreign investment. The report states, “Due to the ongoing
transition to a consumption-led economy and a decline in savings amid an aging
population, China’s annual current-account deficit could reach as much as 1.6%
of GDP—or $420 billion—by 2030.” If true, that is a huge shift in dependence
for China. In terms of surplus in goods exports, China has already gone from a
surplus of 10% of GDP in 2007 before the major financial crisis, to 2.9% in
2018. This year could be a small
deficit.
Today foreign investment in China
bonds is small at about $35 billion. Morgan Stanley estimates the size of
China’s bond market, the heart of the debt system, to be over $12 trillion,
third behind Japan with $13 trillion and USA with $40 trillion, but larger than
say UK or France.
As China’s economy undergoes a
major shift to current account deficit over the next few years, it must be able
to attract new inflows of investment in its debt from outside. This is a huge
problem potentially. This also explains a major reason behind China’s push to
develop state-of-the-art advanced industry in its Made in China 2025 strategy
that is the true target of Washington trade pressure.
At this juncture it looks like a
high-risk game of financial chicken between Beijing and Washington. It appears
clear that Xi Jinping has decided to hunker down and hold out until the US
elections next year in hopes Trump will lose to a pro-China Democrat. What is
clear is that this is about far more than any imbalance in China’s trade with
the USA.
F. William Engdahl is
strategic risk consultant and lecturer, he holds a degree in politics
from Princeton University and is a best-selling author on oil and
geopolitics, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook.”
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