The Corbett Report -- Debunking A Century of War Lies
In the modern age of
democracy and volunteer armies, a pretense for war is required to rally the
nation around the flag and motivate the public to fight. That is why every
major conflict is now accompanied by its own particular bodyguard of lies. From
false flag attacks to dehumanization of the “enemy,” here are all the examples
you’ll need to help debunk a century of war lies.
TRANSCRIPT:
If, as the old adage has it,
the first casualty of war is the truth, then it follows that the first battle
of any war is won by lies.
Lies have always been used
to sell war to a public that would otherwise be leery about sending their sons
off to fight and die on foreign soil. In times long past, this was easy enough
to accomplish. A proclamation by a king or queen was enough to set the machinery
of war in motion. But in the modern age of democracy and volunteer armies, a
pretense for war is required to rally the nation around the flag and motivate
the public to fight.
That is why every major
conflict is now accompanied by its own particular bodyguard of lies. From false
flag attacks to dehumanization of the “enemy,” here are all the examples you’ll
need to help debunk a century of war lies.
This is The Corbett Report.
WWI
In 1915, the RMS Lusitania,
a British ocean liner en route from New York to Liverpool, was sunk by a German
U-boat 11 miles off the coast of Ireland. The ship’s sinking, which resulted in
the death of 128 of the 139 Americans aboard, became a symbol of German evil
and helped psychologically prepare the US public for their country’s eventual
entry into WWI. But every facet of the story of the Lusitania as it has been
presented to the public was a deliberate lie or a lie by omission.
The boat was not a
purely civilian vessel carrying 3,813 40-pound (unrefrigerated) containers of
“cheese” and 696 containers of “butter,” as the official
manifest held,
but guncotton, in keeping with the shipment’s stated destination: the Royal Navy’s Weapons Testing Establishment.
It was not sunk
by the German torpedo boat but by secondary explosions from the munitions
the ship was (illegally) carrying.
It was not the
victim of a cowardly German surprise attack (the German Embassy placed a warning notice about the Lusitania in 50 American newspapers
right next to Cunard’s own listings).
And the American ambassador
to England at the time, Walter Hines Page, wrote to his son five days before
the ship was sunk, asking: “If a British liner full of American passengers be
blown up, what will Uncle Sam do? That’s what’s going to happen.”
So what did the official cover-up
of the incident conclude? That the dastardly Germans had waged a perfidious
sneak attack on an innocent peace boat, of course. And the rest, as they say,
is history.
WWII
A little over two decades
later, America’s entry into WWII came when the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor
in December 1941, killing over 2,400 American servicemen and civilians. But far
from an unprovoked sneak attack, as the official government-approved history
would have you believe, Pearl Harbor is best understood as a conspiracy to
motivate the American public for war by first provoking and then allowing a
Japanese strike on American targets.
This is not even a
controversial idea; it was commonly understood and discussed by many in the
Roosevelt administration at the time. Henry Stimson, the US Secretary of
War, noted in his diary that just the week before the attack President
Roosevelt had told him “we were likely to be attacked perhaps (as soon as) next
Monday” and then solicited Stimson’s advice on “how we should maneuver them
[the Japanese] into the position of firing the first shot without allowing too
much danger to ourselves.” Around the same time, Roosevelt sent a message to all military commanders stating that “The
United States desires that Japan commit the first overt act.”
So how did FDR and his
administration provoke the Japanese into attacking?
In late 1940, Roosevelt
ordered the United States Fleet to be relocated from
San Pedro to Pearl Harbor. The order incensed Admiral James Richardson, Commander-in-Chief of the
US Fleet, who complained bitterly to FDR about the nonsensical decision: It
left the fleet open to attack from every direction, it created a
2,000-mile-long supply chain that was vulnerable to disruption, and it packed
the ships in together at Pearl Harbor, where they would be sitting ducks in the
event of a bombing or torpedo raid. FDR, unable to counter these objections,
went ahead with the plan and relieved Richardson of his command.
Then in June 1941, Secretary
of the Interior Harold Ickes wrote a memo advising FDR to embargo Japanese oil in order to
goad them into war: “There might develop from the embargoing of oil to Japan
such a situation as would make it, not only possible but easy, to get into this
war in an effective way.” Roosevelt followed through weeks later with an order
seizing Japanese assets in America and effectively preventing Japan from purchasing
much-needed American oil, which at that time accounted for four-fifths of
Japanese oil imports.
The provocations had their
intended effect, and the Americans listened in on Japanese war preparations via
radio. They received warnings of an imminent attack from diplomatic officials
and military attachés. The attack was even predicted by the Honolulu
Advertiser days before it happened. But all of these warnings were
ignored. Even today, nearly 80 years after the events, new documents and
memos continue to be
found showing
more warnings that Roosevelt and his administration deliberately ignored in the
run-up to the attack.
FDR got his wish. The
Japanese attack was successful: 2,400 Americans died, and the nation, outraged,
responded by rallying around the flag and jumping enthusiastically into war.
But the Japanese themselves
were no innocents when it came to lying their way into war. Ten years before
Pearl Harbor, in 1931, Japan was looking for a pretext to invade Manchuria. On
September 18th of that year, a lieutenant in the Imperial Japanese Army
detonated a small amount of TNT along a Japanese-owned railway in the
Manchurian city of Mukden. The act was blamed on Chinese dissidents and used
to justify the invasion and occupation
of Manchuria.
When the lie was later exposed, Japan was diplomatically shunned and forced to
withdraw from the League of Nations.
The Korean War
The League of Nations fell
apart precisely for its inability to prevent World War II. Its successor
organization, the United Nations, engaged in its own war lies shortly after its
creation to ensure that it would not meet the same fate.
The Korean War, waged under
the UN flag and sold to the public as a virtuous mission to save the South from
the North’s communist aggression, was on its face a war that should never have
happened. The division of Korea into North and South was not the organic decision
of the Korean people, but a plan that originated in an article in 1944 in Foreign Affairs, the
journal of the Council on Foreign Relations, which suggested dividing the
country up and putting its administration in the hands of the Allies, including
the Soviets. When the newly-founded UN put that plan into action in 1945, Korea
was arbitrarily divided along the 38th parallel, with the US administering the
South and the Soviet Union administering the North.
Neither was the war itself
the organic result of decisions taken by the Korean people. In 1949, Owen
Lattimore, a member of the Carnegie and Rockefeller-funded Institute for
Pacific Relations and an advisor to the State Department on East Asian
issues, wrote: “The thing to do is let South Korea fall, but not to
let it look as if we pushed it.” In a speech at the
National Press Club the
following year, Secretary of State Dean Acheson placed Korea outside of the US’
“defensive perimeter of the Pacific,” stating that any attack that took place
outside of that perimeter would have to be dealt with “under the Charter of the
United Nations.” Taking this as a green light, the North Koreans, heavily
fortified and equipped with Soviet military aid, invaded the South.
The war began on June 27,
1950, when the UN Security Council passed a resolution calling for members to provide military
assistance “to restore international peace and security in the area.” The
Soviet Union, being a veto-wielding member of the Council, could have vetoed
the resolution and prevented the UN from engaging in the war, but they
abstained from the vote altogether.
When General MacArthur,
leading the UN forces, managed to repel the North right to the Chinese border,
he was prevented from completing the mission by Truman, who would not
authorize any
operations north of the Soviet-held 38th parallel unless there was no chance of
confrontation with either Chinese or Soviet forces. MacArthur, shocked by this
development, wrote in a
letter years
later: “Such a limitation upon the utilization of available military force to
repel an enemy attack has no precedent either in our own history or, so far as
I know, in the history of the world. [. . .] To me it clearly foreshadowed the
tragic situation which has since developed and left me with a sense of shock I
had never before experienced in a long life crammed with explosive reactions
and momentous hazards.”
In the end, the bloody
Korean conflict ended not with a peace deal but a ceasefire. Not with the
reunification of the Korean peninsula but with the establishment of a
demilitarized zone to keep them separated. Nearly three million civilians died
during the fighting, and the country was torn to pieces, all in the name of a
military action under the UN flag that should never have escalated into war in
the first place.
The Vietnam War
In August of 1964, President
Johnson was preoccupied in finding an excuse to justify a formal escalation of
American military involvement in Vietnam. That excuse came on August 2nd when
the USS Maddox, a destroyer supposedly on a peaceful
mission in international waters, reported a surprise attack from North
Vietnamese torpedo boats in the Gulf of Tonkin. Just two days later it reported
another attack. Johnson responded by launching retaliatory strikes and signing
the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, thus formally launching the Vietnam War.
Years later, it was revealed
that the story of the Maddox, too, had been a tissue of lies. The Maddoxwas not peacefully drifting
near Vietnamese waters, minding its own business; it was part of a covert
electronic warfare campaign assisting the South Vietnamese in launching attacks
on the North. It had not been attacked out of the blue on August 2nd, as
originally reported, but in fact had fired first. And, as even the NSA’s own internal publication, made available to
the public for
the first time 40 years after the incident, concluded, the second attack on
August 4th had never taken place at all.
But these were mere details,
and, just like the facts about the Lusitania and Pearl Harbor,
these details were suppressed long enough for the event to have its intended
effect: rallying the public for war.
The Six-Day War
The Six-Day War in 1967
between Israel and Egypt, Syria and Jordan is yet another example of a war
which was justified for reasons that were later exposed as lies.
When Israel launched an
attack on Egypt’s airfields on the morning of June 5th, they initially claimed
that it was a defensive strike and that Egypt had struck first. But this was an
easily proven lie, and the claim was quickly dropped.
Next they claimed that the
attack was “preemptive self defense” and that Egypt and its Arab allies had
been preparing to strike Israel. But multiple Israeli officials, including
Yitzhak Rabin, later admittedthat Egypt had not been preparing a war, or even
interested in one.
And then, in the most
outrageous incident of all, Israel attempted to get America involved in the war
by attacking the USS Liberty, a US technical research ship
collecting electronic intelligence just outside Egypt’s territorial waters at
the time of the war. The attack, carried out by Israeli fighter jets and
torpedo boats, was relentless. The Liberty was strafed and torpedoed
repeatedly, with the crew sending distress messages and even hoisting a large
American flag so there could be no doubt as to their identity.
The Israeli attack was
finally called off an hour and a half into the assault. Israel, caught in a
blatant attempt to sink an American ship, offered an “apology” for “mistaking”
the identity of the vessel. But it was no mistake. In 2007 the NSA declassified
intercepts confirming that the Israelis knew they were attacking an
American ship, not an Egyptian ship as their cover story has maintained.
Even mainstream
historians now
characterize Israel’s
attack on the Liberty as “a daring ploy by Israel to fake an Egyptian attack on
the American spy ship, and thereby provide America with a reason to officially
enter the war against Egypt.” But the incident was soon memory-holed, and to
this day the Six-Day War is portrayed as an act of “preemptive self defense” by
the valiant Israelis against the dastardly Arab aggressors.
Gulf War I
By the 1990s, the
post-Vietnam public was growing increasingly wary of calls for war in far-flung
corners of the world in countries many had never heard of. And so it was that
in 1990, when the politicians and their deep state controllers required the
American public to be motivated to wage war against Iraq for its invasion of
Kuwait, they hired a literal PR firm to sell an even more brazen set of lies to
Joe Sixpack and Jane Soccermom.
The most famous of these
lies revolved around Nayirah, a “young Kuwaiti girl” who sparked international
headlines for her shocking testimony before the Congressional Human Rights
Caucus in October 1990. In a tear-stained
speech she
told a harrowing story of the horrors she witnessed being committed by Iraqi
soldiers at a Kuwaiti hospital where she was volunteering.
NAYIRAH: I volunteered at the Aladein hospital with 12
other women who wanted to help as well. I was the youngest volunteer. The other
women were from 20 to 30 years old. While I was there, I saw the Iraqi soldiers
come into the hospital with guns. They took the babies out of the incubators . .
. took the incubators and left the children to die on the cold floor!
It is difficult today to
understand just how important this testimony was in setting the tone of the
debate about whether America should commit military forces to defend Kuwait. It
was reported breathlessly on the evening news, and it was repeated by President
Bush on not one or two occasions, but six separate times in the lead up to war.
GEORGE H. W. BUSH: . . . babies pulled from incubators and scattered
like firewood across the floor…
SOURCE: Nayirah
Episode of 60 Minutes
GEORGE H. W. BUSH: . . . and they had kids in incubators, and they were
thrown out of the incubators so that Kuwait could be systematically dismantled.
Then, when the Gulf War
Resolution was making its way through the House, the incubator story was raised
in Congress:
REP. HENRY HYDE: Now is the time to check the aggression of this
ruthless dictator whose troops have bayoneted pregnant women and have ripped
babies from their incubators in Kuwait.
And then again in the
Senate. The vote passed and combat operations formally began in January 1991.
The only problem? “Nayirah”
was not some anonymous Kuwaiti girl, but, as a subsequent CBC investigation discovered, she was Nayirah Al-Sabah, daughter
of Saud Al-Sabah, the Kuwaiti Ambassador to the United States. Her testimony
had been written for her by Hill & Knowlton, a PR agency hired by the Kuwaiti government-supported astroturf organization, the “Citizens For A Free
Kuwait,” to help sell the Gulf War. And the “Congressional Human Rights Caucus”
that held the hearing where Nayirah gave her testimony? It was later found to be a Hill &
Knowlton front itself.
Gulf War II
As everyone knows by now,
the second Gulf War, in 2003, was also built on lies. We all remember the lies
about Saddam’s WMDs and the way that story was sold to the public by Colin
Powell at the UN. But this time the media took the driver seat in the campaign
to sell the war to the public.
The New York Times led the way with Judith Miller‘s now-infamous reporting on the Iraqi WMD story, now
known to have been based on false information from untrustworthy sources, but
the rest of the media quickly fell into line, with the NBC Nightly News asking “what precise
threat Iraq and its weapons of mass destruction pose to America” and Time debating
whether Hussein was “making a good-faith effort to disarm Iraq’s weapons of
mass destruction.” Reports about chemical weapons stashes were reported on
before they were confirmed, although headlines boldly asserted their existence as
indisputable fact. And any media personality that showed skepticism about the
claims being made—even wildly popular ones like Phil Donahue, host of MSNBC’s
then highest-rated program—were summarily removed from the air.
PHIL DONOHUE: Scott Ritter is here and so is Ambassador . . .
BILL MOYERS: You had Scott Ritter, former weapons inspector,
who was saying that if we invade, it will be a historic blunder.
DONOHUE: Yes. You didn’t have him alone. He had to be
there with someone else who supported the war. In other words, you couldn’t
have Scott Ritter alone. You could have Richard Perle alone.
MOYERS: You could have the conservative.
DONOHUE: You could have the supporters of the President
alone. And they would say why this war is important. You couldn’t have a
dissenter alone. Our producers were instructed to feature two conservatives for
every liberal.
MOYERS: You’re kidding.
DONOHUE: No this is absolutely true.
MOYERS: Instructed from above?
DONOHUE: Yes.
We now know that in fact the
stockpiles did not exist and the administration premeditatedly lied the country
into yet another war, but the most intense opposition the Bush administration
ever received over this documented war crime was some polite correction on the
Sunday political talk show circuit.
DONALD RUMSFELD: You and a few other critics are the only people I’ve
heard use the phrase “immediate threat.” I didn’t. The president didn’t. And
it’s become kind of folklore that that’s what’s happened. The president went—
BOB SCHIEFFER: You’re saying that nobody in the administration said
that—
RUMSFELD: I can’t speak for nobody— . . . and everybody in the
Administration and say nobody said that.
SCHIEFFER: The Vice-President didn’t say that?
RUMSFELD: If you have any citations I’d like to see them.
THOMAS FRIEDMAN: “Some have argued that the nu—” this is you speaking
“some have argued that the nuclear threat from Iraq is not imminent, that
Saddam is at least five to seven years away from having nuclear weapons. I
would not be so certain.”
RUMSFELD: Mm-hmm.
FRIEDMAN: That’s close to “imminent.”
RUMSFELD: Well, I’ve tried to be precise and I’ve tried to be
accurate. Sometimes—
FRIEDMAN: “No terror state poses a greater or more immediate
threat to the security of our people and the stability of the world than the
regime of Saddam Hussein in Iran.”
RUMSFELD:
Mm-hmm.
The Libya Intervention
The WMD story blew up in the
neocons’ face shortly after the war, but by that time they had already
succeeded in their plan to reshape the Middle East. But for the would-be
controllers of public opinion, a valuable lesson was learned: “Human rights”
and “protecting the innocent” is a more effective lie to sell to the public to
motivate them for war. So when it came time to sell the war on Libya to the
public, the UN-backed, NATO-led aggressors once again donned the cloak of
“human rights” by turning to none other than the UN’s Human Rights Council.
The process that launched
the intervention was begun by a coalition of 70 non-governmental organizations,
which issued a joint letter urging the UN to suspend Libya from the Human
Rights Council and for the Security Council to invoke the so-called “responsibility
to protect”
principle in protecting the Libyan people from alleged atrocities being
committed by the Libyan government.
In a special
session on
the issue on February 25th, 2011, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a
resolution affirming the NGOs’ recommendations. The resolution was adopted
without a vote.
The Security Council
immediately passed resolutions 1970 and 1973, authorizing the establishment of a “no-fly zone on
Libyan military aviation” for the “protection of civilians” and the “delivery
of humanitarian assistance.” Three days later, using the resolution as its
justification, the US, UK and France began bombing the population of Libya.
Meanwhile, the International
Criminal Court’s Chief Prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, began working on the
legal basis for the invasion. He drafted the request for the Court’s judges to
issue an arrest warrant for Gaddafi for crimes against humanity. Although NATO
forces were already engaged in an invasion of the country on the basis of
undocumented allegations by a group of NGOs, Moreno-Ocampo’s request was not
issued until May 16th.
On June 28th, the day after
the judges agreed to issue the warrant, Moreno-Ocampo participated in a press
conference in which one reporter asked about the evidence that Gaddafi had ever
engaged in the atrocities he was accused of.
LUIS MORENO-OCAMPO: I advise you to read the application of the
prosecutor’s office. Many pages. I think it was 77 pages. We describe in detail
the facts. Most of it is public and the judges also decided on the evidence. So
of course we are prosecutors and judges, so we rely on facts, so we prove the
crimes. That’s what we did.
SOURCE: Lies behind the “Humanitarian War”
in Libya: There is no evidence! (Part 2), NATO Crimes In Libya
Although the document that Moreno-Ocampo urges the public to read to
understand the evidence of Gaddafi’s crimes is indeed public, and is 77 pages
long, the version made available to the public has been heavily redacted. In
fact, of the 77 pages, 54 of them have been redacted, comprising the entire
section of the document dealing with the evidence for the charges themselves.
The most sickening part of
this war lie is just how obvious it was. No one involved in this charade cared
about the well-being of the Libyan people. Not the press, not the politicians,
not the ICC prosecutors. And as a result, today, seven years after the
destruction of Libya at the hands of the United Nations-sanctioned NATO
“saviours,” open-air slave
markets are
running in the country that the human rights crusaders once pretended to care
about.
Conclusion
False flags. Provocateured
conflicts. Fake news and fake human rights crusades. Throughout the last
century, a host of methods have been employed to keep the public playing the
military-industrial complex’s game. And over that century, the blood of untold
millions has flowed as a direct result of these war lies.
Truth is the first casualty
of war, as they say. But if we desire peace, then we must confront the liars
with our knowledge of these war lies. And armed with this truth,
the public finally stands a chance of stopping the next war before the
warmongers can conjure it into existence.
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