23.12.2019 Author: Vladimir Platov
Column: Politics
Region: Central Asia
The rich natural resources
of Central Asia have long been stirring the appetite of foreign nations,
especially the US, which has recently intensified its activity in
the region.
Washington’s primary goal is to sideline Russia, as well as China, its main
rival, in order to secure a monopoly in Central Asia, not only over the
economic relations in the region, but over the military and political spheres
as well.
Senior US officials are
frequent guests in Central Asia. This year, Washington initiated a
significant rotation of US ambassadors in Central Asian countries. And the
latest diplomatic appointments of the White House draw attention to the fact
that most of the new ambassadors are people with significant experience in
military strategy and in staging
coups d’états.
These actions from Washington’s side indicate that the United States strives
for secure long-term political and military influence in Central Asia, which is
of crucial importance from a geopolitical point of view. The US expects that
this will put both Russia and Iran into a difficult position, making it much
easier to exert pressure on these countries.
Having maintained military
presence in Afghanistan, the United States continues to actively strengthen its
position in Central Asia, all but openly demonstrating that if the authorities
of the Central Asian nations remain incompliant, they will face serious
consequences. In this regard, it isn’t surprising that the US launched an
active propaganda campaign, declaring that their departure from the region
would entail a surge of extremism and terrorism. The US claims that only the
American ‘military umbrella’ can rid the region of these threats. It seems like
a warning to the leaderships of the nations: they must either agree to keep US
military presence or bear the unpleasant aftermath.
It’s no secret that
Washington maintains secret contacts with the Afghan opposition, in particular,
with the Taliban (banned in the Russian Federation) and a number of field
commanders of other forces. Recently, the USA’ contacts with these groups has
become more overt. When necessary, militant units can be pitted against the
Central Asian republics bordering Afghanistan – Uzbekistan, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan. This tactic has been tested a long time ago. For example, the
East Turkestan Islamic Movement, listed as a terrorist organization by both the
Western powers and the Russian Federation, is actively working against China in
the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and, according to a number of sources, is
supported by the US.
These conditions created by
the US are favorable for strengthening its military presence in the region, and
the country has noticeably increased activities on numerous regional ‘security’
programs. As a result, ever since 2007, the US’ financial assistance for these
programs has been exceeding the amount contributed to the region for economic
needs. These tendencies also show the USA’s heightened interest in obtaining
guarantees of access to the most important regional sites ‘in order to preserve
them’, which is done under the guise of a ‘struggle for security.’
Paradoxically, Washington’s
‘assistance’, aimed at training and equipping personnel operating in Central
Asia in the field of security and designed to stop the large flow of opiates
from Afghanistan, hasn’t reduced the drug trade conducted through this region
in the slightest. Then what exactly are the funding and the programs meant to
accomplish?
The answer is obvious.
Washington’s help in ensuring security in Central Asia is payment for the
continued US presence in the Central Asian nations and for the confrontation
with Russian and Chinese influence in the region.
Gone is the ‘favor for a
favor’ approach used since 2001, when assistance was provided in exchange for
access to the countries of the region. In recent years, Washington been
focusing not only on long-standing problems in the field of regional security,
but also on certain areas of mutual interests that the US hopes to use for its
own goals in the future.
One of the strategies developed by the USA, proven effective in
furthering desired long-term institutional changes, consists of the active
involvement of members of the Central Asian army and special services in
educational, training and social events held on US grounds. The USA hopes that
this will increase the countries’ ‘understanding’ of Western institutions and
promote respect for them. As a result of these US-based joint training and
educational courses, more personal ties have emerged between the USA and
Central Asian armed forces and security services. This has also become a
potential vital instrument of US influence on the region.
Despite Washington’s recent
declarations and documents clearly expressing its desire to make Kazakhstan its
main foothold in the post-Soviet area of Central Asia, the US pays special
attention to strengthening joint programs with Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and
Kyrgyzstan.
Washington’s efforts in
Central Asia reflect Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s stance expressed during
Kazakhstan’s Foreign Minister Mukhtar Tleuberdi’s recent visit to the US.
Pompeo spoke of Kazakhstan’s ‘leadership in Central Asia’ and the special
emphasis Washington places on Nur-Sultan as a ‘key partner in maintaining
regional security.’
The fact that this isn’t a
tribute to political correctness is confirmed by the US Department of State’s
official website in its report on a briefing on US-Central
Asian relations,
where a senior official of the US Foreign Service promised to unveil ‘the new
Central Asian strategy of Donald Trump’s administration’ in the near
future. During the briefing, US interest in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan was
made quite evident, its goal being to form a pro-American axis in Central Asia
by preventing both the Russian plans for Kazakhstan’s involvement in Eurasian
integration and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, which is set to pass
through this region. At the same time, the US wishes to use Central Asian
ethnic minorities to influence the situation in Afghanistan. Here, the United
States is conducting a dialogue with the Taliban (banned in the Russian
Federation), which is assisting the US in diminishing the influence of Daesh
(banned in the Russian Federation). Alternatively, if this doesn’t work out,
the US will turn the post-Soviet area of Central Asia into the center of its
subversive influence on Russia and China to prevent their collaboration,
exporting Afghan instability to the region.
Concerning countermeasures
against China’s influence on the region, throughout the whole of 2019 the USA
has insistently demanded the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia to provide
active support to the fugitives from the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of
the PRC. This clashed these countries’ governments, Kazakhstan’s in particular,
with Chinese diplomacy, which does not tolerate compromises regarding the
preservation and restoration of its territorial integrity. The plan is to use
ethnic Kazakhs and representatives of other Central Asian peoples living in the
XUAR as valuable assets for this process.
Washington’s aim to
significantly renew and strengthen its policy in Central Asia, especially on
post-Soviet states, is also confirmed by the recent 130-page report of the RAND Corporation – ‘A
Consensus Proposal for a Revised Regional Order in Post-Soviet Europe and
Eurasia’, compiled with the support of the Carnegie Corporation of New York, a
non-governmental foundation. The report focuses on the development of
recommendations for radical changes in a number of Eurasian countries, for
which the authors introduced the term ‘in-between states,’ meaning states
‘physically located between Russia and the West.’ It is influence over these
nations hat is the object of the ongoing struggle between the USA and Russia.
Vladimir Platov,
an expert on the Middle East, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.
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