As President Trump pulls out
of key nuclear agreements with Russia and moves to expand the U.S. nuclear
arsenal, Noam Chomsky looks at how the threat of nuclear war remains one of the
most pressing issues facing mankind. In a speech at the Old South Church in
Boston, Chomsky also discusses the threat of climate change and the undermining
of democracy across the globe.
world-renowned political
dissident, linguist and author. He is a laureate professor in the Department of
Linguistics at the University of Arizona and professor emeritus at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where he taught for more than 50 years.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!,
democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, as we
continue the hour with world-renowned linguist, political dissident Noam
Chomsky, who spoke last night here in Boston at the Old South Church.
NOAM CHOMSKY: I want to make a couple of remarks below about
the severe difficulty of maintaining and instituting democracy, the powerful
forces that have always opposed it, the achievements of somehow salvaging and
enhancing it, and the significance of that for the future. But first, a couple
of words about the challenges that we face, which you heard enough about
already and you all know about. I don’t have to go into them in detail. To
describe these challenges as “extremely severe” would be an error. The phrase
does not capture the enormity of the kinds of challenges that lie ahead. And
any serious discussion of the future of humanity must begin by recognizing a
critical fact, that the human species is now facing a question that has never
before arisen in human history, question that has to be answered quickly: Will
human society survive for long?
Well, as you all know, for
70 years we’ve been living under the shadow of nuclear war. Those who have
looked at the record can only be amazed that we’ve survived this far. Time
after time it’s come extremely close to terminal disaster, even minutes away.
It’s kind of a miracle that we’ve survived. Miracles don’t go on forever. This
has to be terminated, and quickly. The recent Nuclear Posture Review of the
Trump administration dramatically increases the threat of conflagration, which
would in fact be terminal for the species. We may remember that this Nuclear
Posture Review was sponsored by Jim Mattis, who was regarded as too civilized
to be retained in the administration—gives you a sense of what can be tolerated
in the Trump-Pompeo-Bolton world.
Well, there were three major
arms treaties: the ABM Treaty, Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty;
the INF Treaty, Intermediate Nuclear Forces; the New START treaty.
The U.S. pulled out of
the ABM Treaty in 2002. And anyone who believes that anti-ballistic
missiles are defensive weapons is deluded about the nature of these systems.
The U.S. has just pulled out
of the INF Treaty, established by Gorbachev and Reagan in 1987, which
sharply reduced the threat of war in Europe, which would very quickly spread.
The background of that signing of that treaty was the demonstrations that you
just saw depicted on the film. Massive public demonstrations were the
background for leading to a treaty that made a very significant difference.
It’s worth remembering that and many other cases where significant popular
activism has made a huge difference. The lessons are too obvious to enumerate.
Well, the Trump administration has just withdrawn from the INF Treaty;
the Russians withdrew right afterwards. If you take a close look, you find that
each side has a kind of a credible case saying that the opponent has not lived
up to the treaty. For those who want a picture of how the Russians might look
at it, the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, the major journal on arms
control issues, had a lead article a couple weeks ago by Theodore Postol pointing
out how dangerous the U.S. installations of anti-ballistic missiles on the
Russian border—how dangerous they are and can be perceived to be by the
Russians. Notice, on the Russian border. Tensions are mounting on the Russian border.
Both sides are carrying out provocative actions. We should—in a rational world,
what would happen would be negotiations between the two sides, with independent
experts to evaluate the charges that each is making against the other, to lead
to a resolution of these charges, restore the treaty. That’s a rational world.
But it’s unfortunately not the world we’re living in. No efforts at all have
been made in this direction. And they won’t be, unless there is
significant pressure.
Well, that leaves the New START treaty.
The New START treaty has already been designated by the figure in
charge, who has modestly described himself as the greatest president in
American history—he gave it the usual designation of anything that was done by
his predecessors: the worst treaty that ever happened in human history; we’ve
got to get rid of it. If in fact—this comes up for renewal right after the next
election, and a lot is at stake. A lot is at stake in whether that treaty will
be renewed. It has succeeded in very significantly reducing the number of
nuclear weapons, to a level way above what they ought to be but way below what
they were before. And it could go on.
Well, meanwhile, global
warming proceeds on its inexorable course. During this millennium, every single
year, with one exception, has been hotter than the last one. There are recent
scientific papers, James Hansen and others, which indicate that the pace of
global warming, which has been increasing since about 1980, may be sharply
escalating and may be moving from linear growth to exponential growth, which
means doubling every couple of decades. We’re already approaching the
conditions of 125,000 years ago, when the sea level was about roughly 25 feet
higher than it is today, with the melting, the rapid melting, of the Antarctic,
huge ice fields. We might—that point might be reached. The consequences of that
are almost unimaginable. I mean, I won’t even try to depict them, but you can
figure out quickly what that means.
Well, meanwhile, while this
is going on, you regularly read in the press euphoric accounts of how the
United States is advancing in fossil fuel production. It’s now surpassed Saudi
Arabia. We’re in the lead of fossil fuel production. The big banks, JPMorgan
Chase and others, are pouring money into new investments in fossil fuels,
including the most dangerous, like Canadian tar sands. And this is all
presented with great euphoria, excitement. We’re now reaching energy
independence. We can control the world, determine the use of fossil fuels in
the world.
Barely a word on what the
meaning of this is, which is quite obvious. It’s not that the reporters,
commentators don’t know about it, that the CEO of the banks don’t
know about it. Of course they do. But these are kind of institutional pressures
that just are extremely hard to extricate themselves from. You can put yourself
in the—try to put yourself in the position of, say, the CEO of
JPMorgan Chase, the biggest bank, which is spending large sums in investment in
fossil fuels. He certainly knows everything that you all know about global
warming. It’s no secret. But what are the choices? Basically he has two
choices. One choice is to do exactly what he’s doing. The other choice is to
resign and be replaced by somebody else who will do exactly what he’s doing.
It’s not an individual problem. It’s an institutional problem, which can be
met, but only under tremendous public pressure.
And we’ve recently seen,
very dramatically, how it can—how the solution can be reached. A group of young
people, Sunrise Movement, organized, got to the point of sitting in in
congressional offices, aroused some interest from the new progressive figures
who were able to make it to Congress. Under a lot of popular pressure,
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, joined by Ed Markey, actually placed the Green New
Deal on the agenda. That’s a remarkable achievement. Of course, it gets hostile
attacks from everywhere: It doesn’t matter. A couple of years ago it was
unimaginable that it would be discussed. As the result of the activism of this
group of young people, it’s now right in the center of the agenda. It’s got to
be implemented in one form or another. It’s essential for survival, maybe not
in exactly that form, but some modification of it. Tremendous change achieved
by the commitment of a small group of young people. That tells you the kind of
thing that can be done.
Meanwhile, the Doomsday
Clock of the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists last January was set at two minutes
to midnight. That’s the closest it’s been to terminal disaster since 1947. The
announcement of the settlement—of the setting mentioned the two major familiar
threats: the threat of nuclear war, which is increasing, threat of global
warming, which is increasing further. And it added a third for the first time:
the undermining of democracy. That’s the third threat, along with global
warming and nuclear war. And that was quite appropriate, because functioning
democracy offers the only hope of overcoming these threats. They are not going
to be dealt with by major institutions, state or private, acting without
massive public pressure, which means that the means of democratic functioning
have to be kept alive, used the way the Sunshine Movement did it, the way the
great mass demonstration in the early ’80s did it, and the way we continue
today.
AMY GOODMAN: Back with Noam Chomsky in conversation, in 30
seconds.
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