Human Rights
observers and media should divide their attention between the coronavirus and
the conflict in Palestine
by InfoBrics
March 26, 2020
The West Bank
situation is becoming increasingly complicated amid the coronavirus pandemic
and territorial disputes between Palestinians and Israelis. At first, the
Palestinian Authority and Israel showed signs of cooperation in combating the
pandemic. A few weeks ago, joint measures were announced between both sides to
contain the epidemic of the new coronavirus in the region. The measures include
distribution of cleaning and personal hygiene materials, in addition to virus
testing kits and medical equipment.
On the part of Tel
Aviv, the total closure of the West Bank was promoted, allowing, however,
access for Palestinian workers involved in the construction and agriculture
sectors to the Jewish state, which is why the proposal was well accepted by
Ramallah. On the part of the Palestinians, the West Bank has also been blocked,
but only partially and for two weeks, since last Sunday (March 22), in addition
to the implementation of a series of control and quarantine measures.
However, efforts to
contain the pandemic have not prevented Israeli incursions into the region,
which have increased recently. Ibrahim Melhim, a spokesman for the Palestinian
Authority, acknowledged Israeli efforts to contain the coronavirus in the
country and in Palestine, but criticized the unstoppable incursions against the
Palestinians. “We have very strong round-the-clock coordination with the
Israeli side to prevent the coronavirus from
spreading (…) At the same time, Israel continues to operate in the
Palestinian Territories as if there is no coronavirus crisis (…) They [Israeli
forces] continue their
raids across the West Bank, arresting people and confiscating
lands, and that harms the existing coordination between the PA and Israel
putting an additional burden on the Palestinian Authority,” said the spokesman.
Apparently, Israel
pretends to collaborate with Palestine to stop the pandemic, when, in fact, it
freely promotes its military maneuvers in the region, which go unnoticed by the
mainstream media, strongly focused on covering the viral tragedy. In addition,
Tel Aviv’s own collaboration to control COVID-19 in the region seems extremely
limited. The blocking measures made it impossible, for example, for doctors
from the “Physicians for Human Rights” (an Israeli NGO that serves Palestinians
free of charge) to move alongside the West Bank, clearly hampering medical care
in the region.
Mention should also
be made of the fact that Israel, not Palestine, is the major focus of
infections by the new coronavirus in the region. Israel has already more than
1.000 officially reported cases of the disease, in addition to one death, and
several suspicions. In contrast, Palestine has around 60 infected people. It is
clear from these data that the most stringent containment measures should come
exclusively from Ramallah, since the Israeli military presence in the region
itself poses a serious risk to Palestinian public health.
According to a
survey by the Truman Institute for Peace at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem,
63% of Israelis say Israel must help Palestinians during the coronavirus
crisis. Vered Vinitsky-Serousse, president of the Institute, said that “the
majority of Israelis believe that, when necessary, the government should devise
preventive measures to help Palestinians during the Covid-19 epidemic.” The big
problem, however, is how these joint maneuvers are conducted. Perhaps the first
step to be taken in establishing joint measures is the definitive and immediate
end to military incursions in the region, which constantly bring insecurity and
terror to the Palestinian people.
The situation of
tensions in the region must still be read in the context of the so-called “Deal
of the Century”, the “peace” proposal for the conflict between Israelis and
Palestinians announced by American President Donald Trump. The “agreement” was
celebrated unilaterally by the Washigton-Tel Aviv axis, with no participation
of Palestinians, which is why it was rejected by the Palestinian Authority and
the Arab League. The document foresaw the annexation of Israeli settlements in
the West Bank, leaving around 70% of the region under Palestinian rule – a
figure much lower than that proposed by all previous attempts to resolve the
conflict. Everything indicates that Israel will not stop its attempts to occupy
that territory as much as possible.
It is in this
context that the “joint” actions between Israelis and Palestinians must be
analyzed with skepticism and suspicion. Are these pandemic containment measures
really good, even when behind them the Israeli army expands its occupation in
the region with increasingly aggressive incursions? Also, to what extent does
Palestine benefit from the help of these joint actions when Israel has an
absurdly greater number of infected people? Would Israel be able to help the
Palestinians? Or would that aid be a mask for such military incursions? All of
these are valid questions.
It is also worth
remembering that a few weeks ago, at the end of February, Israel announced the
construction of more than 2.000 new settlements in Palestinian territories –
and on the same occasion, Netanyahu authorized the construction of other 7.000
units in the East Jerusalem region. These data mean that Israel’s
aggressiveness against the Palestinians was increasing recently. Did this
aggression really disappear from Tel Aviv’s plans in the face of a “commotion”
with public health in Palestine (which is much better than the situation in
Israel)? Perhaps, the mainstream media and Human Rights observers should divide
their attention between the coronavirus and the conflict in Palestine, before
more serious clashes erupt.
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