JANUARY 10, 2020
This photo released by the
Iraqi Prime Minister Press Office shows a burning vehicle at the Baghdad
International Airport following an airstrike in Baghdad, Iraq, early Friday,
Jan. 3, 2020. The Pentagon said Thursday that the U.S. military has killed Gen.
Qassem Soleimani, the head of Iran’s elite Quds Force, at the direction of
President Donald Trump. (Iraqi Prime Minister Press Office via AP)
The Saker: Trump has been accused of not thinking forward, of not having a
long-term strategy regarding the consequences of assassinating General
Suleimani. Does the United States in fact have a strategy in the Near East, or
is it only ad hoc?
Michael Hudson: Of course
American strategists will deny that the recent actions do not reflect a
deliberate strategy, because their long-term strategy is so aggressive and
exploitative that it would even strike the American public as being immoral and
offensive if they came right out and said it.
President Trump is just the
taxicab driver, taking the passengers he has accepted – Pompeo and VP Pence
saying “Take us to the Rapture,” along with Bolton’s progeges and the
Iran-derangement syndrome neocons – wherever they tell him they want to be
driven. They want to pull a heist, and he’s being used as the getaway driver
(fully accepting his role). Their plan is to hold onto the main source of their
international revenue: Saudi Arabia and the surrounding Near Eastern oil-export
surpluses and money. They see the US losing its ability to exploit Russia and
China, and look to keep Europe under its control by monopolizing key sectors so
that it has the power to use sanctions to squeeze er countries that resist
turning over control of their economies and natural rentier monopolies to US
buyers. In short, US strategists would like to do to Europe and the Near East
just what they did to Russia under Yeltsin: turn over public infrastructure,
natural resources and the banking system to U.S. owners, relying on US dollar
credit to fund their domestic government spending and private investment.
This is basically a resource
grab. Suleimani was in the same position as Chile’s Allende, Libya’s Qaddafi,
Iraq’s Saddam. The motto is that of Stalin: “No person, no problem.”
The Saker: Your answer
raises a question about Israel. In your recent article you only mention Israel
twice, and these are only passing comments. Furthermore, you also clearly
see the US Oil lobby as much more crucial than the Israel Lobby, so here is my
follow-up question to you: On what basis have you come to this conclusion and
how powerful do you believe the Israel Lobby to be compared to, say, the Oil
lobby or the US Military-Industrial Complex? To what degree do their interests
coincide and to what degree to they differ?
Hudson: I wrote my article
to explain the most basic concerns of U.S. international diplomacy: the balance
of payments (dollarizing the global economy, basing foreign central bank
savings on loans to the U.S. Treasury to finance the military spending mainly
responsible for the international and domestic budget deficit), oil (and the
enormous revenue produced by the international oil trade), and recruitment of
foreign fighters (given the impossibility of drafting domestic U.S. soldiers in
sufficient numbers). From the time these concerns became critical to today,
Israel was viewed as a U.S. military base and supporter, but the U.S. policy
was formulated independently of Israel.
I remember one day in 1973
or ’74 I was traveling with my Hudson Institute colleague Uzi Arad (later a
head of Mossad and advisor to Netanyahu) to Asia, stopping off in San
Francisco. At a quasi-party, a U.S. general came up to Uzi and clapped him on
the shoulder and said, “You’re our landed aircraft carrier in the Near East,”
and expressed his friendship.
Uzi was rather embarrassed.
But that’s how the U.S. military thought of Israel back then. By that time the
three planks of U.S. foreign policy strategy that I outlined were already
firmly in place.
Of course, Netanyahu has
applauded U.S. moves to break up Syria, and Trump’s assassination choice. But
the move is a U.S. move, and it’s the U.S. that is acting on behalf of the
dollar standard, oil power and mobilizing Saudi Arabia’s Wahabi army.
Israel fits into the
U.S.-structured global diplomacy much like Turkey does. They and other
countries act opportunistically within the context set by U.S. diplomacy to
pursue their own policies. Obviously Israel wants to secure the Golan Heights;
hence its opposition to Syria, and also its fight with Lebanon; hence, its
opposition to Iran as the backer of Assad and Hezbollah. This dovetails with US
policy.
But when it comes to the
global and U.S. domestic response, it’s the United States that is the
determining active force. And its concern rests above all with protecting its
cash cow of Saudi Arabia, as well as working with the Saudi jihadis to
destabilize governments whose foreign policy is independent of U.S. direction –
from Syria to Russia (Wahabis in Chechnya) to China (Wahabis in the western
Uighur region). The Saudis provide the underpinning for U.S. dollarization (by
recycling their oil revenues into U.S. financial investments and arms
purchases), and also by providing and organizing the ISIS terrorists and coordinating
their destruction with U.S. objectives. Both the Oil lobby and the
Military-Industrial Complex obtain huge economic benefits from the Saudis.
Therefore, to focus
one-sidedly on Israel is a distraction away from what the US-centered
international order really is all about.
The Saker: In your recent
article you wrote: “The assassination was intended to escalate America’s
presence in Iraq to keep control the region’s oil reserves.” Others
believe that the goal was precisely the opposite, to get a pretext to remove
the US forces from both Iraq and Syria. What are your grounds to believe
that your hypothesis is the most likely one?
Hudson: Why would killing
Suleimani help remove the U.S. presence? He was the leader of the
fight against ISIS, especially in Syria. US policy was to continue using ISIS
to permanently destabilize Syria and Iraq so as to prevent a Shi’ite crescent
reaching from Iran to Lebanon – which incidentally would serve as part of
China’s Belt and Road initiative. So it killed Suleimani to prevent the peace
negotiation. He was killed because he had been invited by Iraq’s government to
help mediate a rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia. That was what the
United States feared most of all, because it effectively would prevent its
control of the region and Trump’s drive to seize Iraqi and Syrian oil.
So using the usual Orwellian
doublethink, Suleimani was accused of being a terrorist, and assassinated under
the U.S. 2002 military Authorization Bill giving the President to move without
Congressional approval against Al Qaeda. Trump used it to protect Al
Qaeda’s terrorist ISIS offshoots.
Given my three planks of
U.S. diplomacy described above, the United States must remain in the Near East
to hold onto Saudi Arabia and try to make Iraq and Syria client states equally
subservient to U.S. balance-of-payments and oil policy.
Certainly the Saudis must
realize that as the buttress of U.S. aggression and terrorism in the Near East,
their country (and oil reserves) are the most obvious target to speed the
parting guest. I suspect that this is why they are seeking a rapprochement with
Iran. And I think it is destined to come about, at least to provide breathing
room and remove the threat. The Iranian missiles to Iraq were a demonstration
of how easy it would be to aim them at Saudi oil fields. What then would
be Aramco’s stock market valuation?
The Saker: In your article
you wrote: “The major deficit in the U.S. balance of payments has long been
military spending abroad. The entire payments deficit, beginning with the
Korean War in 1950-51 and extending through the Vietnam War of the 1960s, was
responsible for forcing the dollar off gold in 1971. The problem facing
America’s military strategists was how to continue supporting the 800 U.S. military
bases around the world and allied troop support without losing America’s
financial leverage.” I want to ask a basic, really primitive question in
this regard: who cares about the balance of payments as long as 1) the US
continues to print money 2) most of the world will still want dollars.
Does that not give the US an essentially “infinite” budget? What is the
flaw in this logic?
Hudson: The U.S. Treasury
can create dollars to spend at home, and the Fed can increase the banking
system’s ability to create dollar credit and pay debts denominated in US
dollars. But they cannot create foreign currency to pay other countries, unless
they willingly accept dollars ad infinitum – and that entails bearing the costs
of financing the U.S. balance-of-payments deficit, getting only IOUs in
exchange for real resources that they sell to U.S. buyers.
This is the situation that
arose half a century ago. The United States could print dollars in 1971, but it
could not print gold.
In the 1920s, Germany’s
Reichsbank could print deutsche marks – trillions of them. When it came to pay
Germany’s foreign reparations debt, all it could do was to throw these D-marks
onto the foreign exchange market. That crashed the currency’s exchange rate,
forcing up the price of imports proportionally and causing the German
hyperinflation.
The question is, how many
surplus dollars do foreign governments want to hold. Supporting the dollar
standard ends up supporting U.S. foreign diplomacy and military policy. For the
first time since World War II, the most rapidly growing parts of the world are
seeking to de-dollarize their economies by reducing reliance on U.S. exports,
U.S. investment, and U.S. bank loans. This move is creating an alternative to
the dollar, likely to replace it with groups of other currencies and assets in
national financial reserves.
The Saker: In the same
article you also write: “So maintaining the dollar as the world’s reserve
currency became a mainstay of U.S. military spending.” We often hear
people say that the dollar is about to tank and that as soon as that happens,
then the US economy (and, according to some, the EU economy too) will
collapse. In the intelligence community there is something called
tracking the “indicators and warnings”. My question to you is: what are
the economic “indicators and warnings” of a possible (probable?) collapse of
the US dollar followed by a collapse of the financial markets most tied to the
Dollar? What shall people like myself (I am an economic ignoramus) keep
an eye on and look for?
Hudson: What is most likely
is a slow decline, largely from debt deflation and cutbacks in social
spending, in the Eurozone and US economies. Of course, the decline will force
the more highly debt-leveraged companies to miss their bond payments and drive
them into insolvency. That is the fate of Thatcherized economies. But it will
be long and painfully drawn out, largely because there is little left-wing
socialist alternative to neoliberalism at present.
Trump’s protectionist
policies and sanctions are forcing other countries to become self-reliant and
independent of US suppliers, from farm crops to airplanes and military arms,
against the US threat of a cutoff or sanctions against repairs, spare parts and
servicing. Sanctioning Russian agriculture has helped it become a major crop
exporter, and to become much more independent in vegetables, dairy and cheese
products. The US has little to offer industrially, especially given the fact
that its IT communications are stuffed with US spyware.
Europe therefore is facing
increasing pressure from its business sector to choose the non-US economic
alliance that is growing more rapidly and offers a more profitable investment
market and more secure trade supplier. Countries will turn as much as possible
(diplomatically as well as financially and economically) to non-US suppliers
because the United States is not reliable, and because it is being shrunk by
the neoliberal policies supported by Trump and the Democrats alike. A byproduct
probably will be a continued move toward gold as an alternative do the dollar
in settling balance-of-payments deficits.
The Saker: Finally, my last
question: which country out there do you see as the most capable foe of the
current US-imposed international political and economic world order? whom
do you believe that US Deep State and the Neocons fear most? China?
Russia? Iran? Some other country? How would you compare them and on the
basis of what criteria?
The leading country breaking
up US hegemony obviously is the United States itself. That is Trump’s major
contribution. He is uniting the world in a move toward multi-centrism much more
than any ostensibly anti-American could have done. And he is doing it all in
the name of American patriotism and nationalism – the ultimate Orwellian rhetorical
wrapping!
Trump has driven Russia and
China together with the other members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
(SCO), including Iran as observer. His demand that NATO join in US oil grabs
and its supportive terrorism in the Near East and military confrontation with
Russia in Ukraine and elsewhere probably will lead to European “Ami go home”
demonstrations against NATO and America’s threat of World War III.
No single country can
counter the U.S. unipolar world order. It takes a critical mass of countries.
This already is taking place among the countries that you list above. They are
simply acting in their own common interest, using their own mutual currencies
for trade and investment. The effect is an alternative multilateral currency
and trading area.
The United States is now
turning on the screws demanding that other countries sacrifice their growth in
order to finance the U.S. unipolar empire. In effect, foreign countries are
beginning to respond to the United States what the ten tribes of Israel said
when they withdrew from the southern kingdom of Judah, whose king Rehoboam
refused to lighten his demands (1 Kings 12). They echoed the cry of Sheba son
of Bikri a generation earlier: “Look after your own house, O David!” The
message is: What do other countries have to gain by remaining in the US
unipolar neoliberalized world, as compared to using their own wealth to build
up their own economies? It’s an age-old problem.
The dollar will still play a
role in US trade and investment, but it will be as just another currency, held
at arms length until it finally gives up its domineering attempt to strip other
countries’ wealth for itself. However, its demise may not be a pretty sight.
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