EU offers West Balkans €3.3 billion as forgiveness for coronavirus snub

EU offers West Balkans €3.3 billion as forgiveness for coronavirus snub

European Union and NATO concerned about Chinese and Russian influence among Balkan states during pandemic

by InfoBrics

May 13, 2020

Submitted by InfoBrics, authored by Paul Antonopoulos, independent geopolitical analyst…

The European Union promised €3.3 billion to the West Balkan countries and provinces of Serbia, Montenegro Albania, Bosnia, Kosovo, Montenegro and North Macedonia. In return, the European Union is demanding loyalty and renunciation of close ties with Moscow and Beijing. However this is unlikely after the initial refusal of Brussels to supply aid and relief and there is now little trust in European Union solidarity.

“The EU is mobilizing a substantial financial package, confirming the strong solidarity. Together we will overcome this crisis and recover. And beyond that, we will continue to support the region, including with the reforms needed on their EU path, as the recovery will only work effectively if the countries keep delivering on their commitments,” said European Union Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.

Kosovo’s Great Martyr (IV)

BALKANS, EUROPE, TURKEY

Kosovo’s Great Martyr (IV)

Written by Vladislav B. SOTIROVIĆ on 11/06/2019

Part I Part II Part III

The Cult from 1690 until 1800

Between the fall of the Serbian lands under the Ottoman lordship in the mid-15th c. and the First Serbian Uprising against the Turks at the beginning of the 19th c. (1804−1813),[i] the 1690 First Great Serbian Migration was the crucial historical event in the history of the Serbs. The immediate outcome of the Migration was a change of the ethnic structure of the lands south and north from the Rivers of Sava and Danube. During this migration, as a result of the Ottoman counter-offensive against the Austrian army,[ii] at least 70.000 immigrants (according to some historians even c. 100.000) passed the River Sava and settled mainly the lands of South Hungary (this part of historical Hungary became after 1918 part of Serbia under the name Vojvodina).[iii] Written privileges for the Serbs given by the Habsburg Emperors, who were at the same time and the Hungarian Kings, provided and guaranteed them freedom of the faith, church’s autonomy and the right to elect their own local administrative authorities. Along with a common language, faith and habits, the Serbian immigrants within the Habsburg Empire were linked to each other from the national point of view and by a strong tradition with regard to the same origins and history. In the process of a national gathering of the Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy, but also and in linking them with the Serbs south from the River Sava, Prince Lazar’s cult had one of the most important roles. In fact, revival, new spreading and firming of the cult of St. Prince Lazar was one of the crucial points in the process of making national awareness among the Serbs in all three foreign countries where they were living: the Ottoman Empire, the Habsburg Monarchy and the Republic of Venice. In this process, an autonomous Serbian Church in the Habsburg Monarchy (the Metropolitanate of Karlovci) played the most important role.

Migration of the Serbs (Seoba Srba), by Serbian painter Paja Jovanović, 1896

Kosovo’s Great Martyr (II) by Vladislav B. SOTIROVIĆ

BALKANS, TURKEY

Kosovo’s Great Martyr (II)

Written by Vladislav B. SOTIROVIĆ on 05/06/2019

Part I

The Establishment of the Cult

The canonization, or the solemn proclamation of the saints, was introduced in Europe in the 11thcentury.[i] In the Roman Catholic Church, a decision regarding the canonization from the 17th century onward had to be given only by the Pope (Holy Father). However, the Greek Orthodox Church was allowing the canonization of the local cults by the Bishops and the Archbishops or the Metropolitans alongside by the Patriarch. In the Russian Orthodox Church, the right for the canonization had both the Patriarch and the Emperor.[ii] However, the process of the canonization in the medieval Serbian state is not researched in historiography and we do not know exactly how this process was going on.

In medieval Serbia, the church cult was reserved only for the ruling Nemanjić’s dynasty and for the church archpriests. The others did not have right for the canonization. The genealogies of the Nemanjić’s dynasty are presented in three important Serbian medieval monasteries: Gračanica, Dečani and in the headquarters of the Serbian Patriarchate − Peć (in Turkish Ipek). All three of them are located in Kosovo-Metochia − a territory that is a cradle of the Serbian state, culture, and national identity. It is known from the sources that the last member of the Nemanjić’s dynasty was stressing that they as a family were originated from “the holy roots”. It is also known that except highest church dignitaries who were proclaimed as the saints only the members of the ruling dynasty had hagiographies. However, after two centuries of the Nemanjić’s rule in Serbia, Prince Lazar Hrebeljanović became the first secular person out of the ruling dynasty to be declared as the saint by the Serbian Orthodox Church.[iii]

The interesting question is: Why the Serbian Orthodox Church never proclaimed as the saints two other Serbian medieval rulers who also were killed in another battle against the same Ottoman Turks − the brothers King Vukašin (1365−1371)[iv] and Despot Uglješa Mrnjavčević (1365−1371)? The battle in which they died, regarding the destiny of the Byzantine Empire and other Balkan medieval states, was even more important in comparison to the 1389 Battle of Kosovo. That was the battle in 1371 (6879 from the creation of the world) near the River Maritza in present-day Bulgaria on September 26th.[v]The possible answers to this question are:

1. The 1371 Battle of Maritza was far from the ancient Serbian lands in comparison to the 1389 Battle of Kosovo which was in the core of the Serbian medieval state.
2. Prince Lazar was a ruler of the lands which were the core of the Nemanjić’s state of Serbia and, therefore, he was predestined to be a successor of the Nemanjić’s dynasty in Serbia.
3. However, probably the crucial reason why the Mrnjavčević’s were not proclaimed as the saints is the fact that according to the false tradition, they allegedly killed the last Nemanjić − Emperor Uroš (1355−1371),[vi] who, in fact, naturally died in December 1371. Therefore, according to the tradition, their destiny and murder in the 1371 Battle of Maritza were, in fact, divine punishment and consequently their dead bodies have been never found.[vii]

King Vukašin

It is important to say that for the establishment of someone’s cult the martyrdom death was indispensable, but it was not necessary to be an heroic one. It was the main reason for the fact that in all written documents the martyrdom death of Prince Lazar was always emphasized. The awareness regarding Kosovo’s Great Martyr and his martyrdom is still very alive among present-days Serbs when the whole region of Kosovo-Metochia is crucified by the Muslim Albanians who since June 1999 destroyed all monuments erected to and memories about Prince Lazar.

A Serbian well-known theologian and historian of the church, Lazar Mirković is in the opinion that Prince Lazar with his martyrdom death was automatically involved into the order of the saints because “the martyrs should not be declared for the saints or their holiness to be investigated as they are eo ipso what they suffered for Christ”.[viii] In other words, their martyrdom death was undoubtedly the crucial reason for their declaration for the saints. Đorđe Trifunović is in the opinion that Prince Lazar became the saint without any official proclamation by the Serbian Orthodox Church.[ix]

Kosovo’s Great Martyr (I)

BALKANS, EUROPE, TURKEY

Kosovo’s Great Martyr (I)

Written by Vladislav B. SOTIROVIĆ on 31/05/2019

The Battle and the Nation 

The consciousness of a distinct Serbian ethnic identity had been present among the Serbs since the times of the founder of an independent medieval Serbian state, veliki župan (Grand Duke) Stefan Nemanja (1166−1196).[i] These consciousnesses were further strengthened by both when Serbia became a kingdom in 1217 and with the establishment of an autocephalous archbishopric in 1219 as a national independent (Christian Orthodox) church.[ii] However, the Battle of Kosovo (on the morning of June 28th, 1389)[iii] which the Serbs de facto lost to the Ottoman Turks and the death of a Serbian ruler, Prince Lazar Hrebeljanović (1371−1389), during the battle had up to nowadays the most powerful impact to the Serbian consciousness about independent state, independent church and awareness of ethnic separateness from other members of South Slavic community. In addition, this battle known also as the Battle of Kosovo Polje, which took place north of the city of Priština is of great patriotic and ideological significance in the history of all Serbs either from Serbia or elsewhere.[iv]

The place of the battle is a geographical region known as the Plain of Kosovo (Kosovo Polje in Serb or Fusha e Kosovës in Albanian) that is a major settlement in the eastern part of Kosovo-Metochia (KosMet)[v] – an autonomous province of the Republic of Serbia. The plain is basically a plateau running from the city of Kosovska Mitrovica passing southward the administrative center of the province Priština and the town of Uroševac going almost to the small town of Kačanik on the border with the Republic of North Macedonia. The Plain of Kosovo has an elevation of between 500 meters and 600 meters and it is the most fertile land within KosMet. In the middle of the plain, one can find a town of the same name – Kosovo Polje, today, in fact, a suburb of Priština. On the place of the battle there are two historical monuments: 1) The memorial to the battle erected by the Serbian authorities after the liberation of KosMet as a consequence of the 1912‒1913 Balkan Wars;[vi] and 2) The Turbe of Murad constructed by the Ottoman authorities in order to mark the place of the death of the Ottoman Sultan Murad I (1359‒1389) during the battle.

Prince Lazar Hrebeljanović of Serbia, allied with Bosnia’s King Tvrtko I Kotromanić (1353‒1391), made in 1389 his last attempt to preserve Serbia’s independence from the rapidly expanding Ottoman Empire in the Balkans. In 1388 both of them succeeded to defeat the Ottoman Turks in three battles when the Sultan Murad I was occupied by pacifying Asia Minor (Anatolia). Next year, Murad I organized a huge military campaign against Prince Lazar’s Serbia attacking this Balkan state with a huge coalition of forces (overall up to 100.000 soldiers according to some historians) which included his vassals from Macedonia, Bulgaria, and Albania. Many of his vassals have been Christians and even the Serbs. The opposing army composed by the soldiers from Serbia, Valachia, Bosnia, KosMet, and Albania (the overwhelming majority of them, however, came from Prince Lazar’s Serbia) numbered up to c. 20.000. During the battle, both leaders, Prince Lazar, and Sultan Murad lost their lives. According to the legend but as well as some Turkish sources, the Sultan was assassinated by some Serbian soldier who appears by different names. The most popular version among the Serbs but also based on the Ottoman sources is that the knight Miloš Obilić (Kobilić), insulted a night before the battle by a feudal lord from KosMet Vuk Branković, penetrated heroically into Sultan’s tent and stabbed him to death before being killed by Sultan’s guards.[vii] The defeated and wounded Prince Lazar was basically taken prisoner with his knights and was decapitated by the Ottomans as revenge for killed Sultan Murad I.[viii]

Night before the Battle of Kosovo, by Adam Stefanović (1870)

PETER KORZUN | 06.08.2018 | WORLD / EUROPE

NATO to Set Up Its First Air Base in Western Balkans

NATO believes that the Western Balkans is a region of strategic importance. The summit that was held July 11-12 specifically expressed support for the Euro-Atlantic aspirations of the Balkan countries. Macedonia was officially invited to join the alliance.

On the eve of the summit, Deputy Secretary General of NATO Rose Gottemoeller stressed that NATO supported the process of reform in Kosovo, including the creation of its own regular armed forces. That idea has strong support in Washington, although by establishing its own military, Kosovo would be in gross violation of the existing international agreements. UN Security Council Resolution 1244 states explicitly that no other military presence, with the exception of KFOR and the Serbian army, shall be permitted without the mandate of the UN Security Council. The Florence Agreement (Article IV of the 1996 Dayton Peace Accords) affirms that regional stability should be maintained with the assistance of the OSCE, not NATO. The creation of a Kosovo military would mean that a regular force was being established within the territory of Serbia, which is a party to the Florence agreement. 

NATO has already allowed Kosovo to set up a professional security force, which is to join the Partnership for Peace (PfP) program and then develop into a regular armed forces that is able to meet NATO standards. This idea is being floated at a time in which the concept of the creation of Greater Albania is gradually taking shape, which would include Kosovo, parts of Macedonia such as Tetovo, the Presevo Valley in Serbia, and parts of Montenegro such as Malesija.

The EU has also gone on the offensive. Croatia joined it in 2013. Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia are EU candidate states. Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo are signatories to Stabilization and Association Agreements with the bloc. In 2016, Bosnia and Herzegovina formally submitted an EU membership application.

Efforts to reduce the region’s energy “dependence” on Russia are underway, as an element of the policy of “squeezing Moscow out.” The Trans-Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) project is in the construction phase and will eventually stretch from the Caspian Sea to Albania and northward to other Western Balkan countries, as well as Italy. The next step is the building of a floating liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminal on Krk, a Croatian island, thus making the countries of the region pay much more for American sea-transported energy than Russia’s natural gas that is supplied by pipeline. The Krk project is to include Slovenia, Hungary, Bosnia, and Serbia.

The NATO-EU Statement on the Implementation of the Joint Declaration envisages close cooperation between the two groups, which will increase Western influence in the region. That’s what Russia opposes. It rejects the wisdom of an approach in which the region is viewed as a battlefield between the West and Russia (which is supposedly vying for influence), forcing the nations of the region to take sides. The truth is, they don’t have to. For instance, Serbia can derive significant benefits by promoting complementary relationships with the EU and the Russian-led EAEU.

The Atlantic Council’s report, titled “Balkans Forward: A New US Strategy for the Region,” which was released in late 2017, attracted a lot of attention. It calls on the West to double down on countering Russia’s influence in the region, including by means of a permanent American military presence in the Balkans that would "anchor the United States’ ability to influence developments." Camp Bondsteel in Kosovo, which was built on Serbian soil without consulting that country’s own government, is not enough. The Heritage Foundation echoes this view, offering guidelines to spur US diplomatic, economic, and military efforts to drive Russia out while bringing the US in. The think tanks from the National Committee on American Foreign Policy and the East-West Institute chimed in with their joint report, titled “Time for Action in the Western Balkans,” which was published in May.

The think tanks’ recommendations are followed by suggestions from governments. Here is the latest example. On Aug. 4, Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama announced that NATO plans to build its first air base in the Western Balkans near the municipality of Kucove in south-central Albania. Construction is to start this year. The new facility will be used for air supply, logistic support, air patrolling, and training. The base will also be used by the Albanian air forces. The US Army’s Bondsteel base in Kosovo is used by KFOR but it lacks an airstrip for planes.

On Aug. 2, Kosovo's President Hashim Thaci said in an interview with VOA's Albanian Service, "Kosovo's border with Serbia needs to be redefined, or corrected." Whatever he meant, no mention was made of any need for Serbia’s consent or United Nations-approved procedures. Mr. Thaci feels free to make such statements because he senses the West’s support behind him.

Meanwhile, tensions in northern Kosovo are rising after the Aug. 4 deadline to establish Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo with limited autonomous powers was missed. The Kosovo provincial government has not kept its promises. Such a move is necessary in order meet the provisions of the EU-brokered 2013 Brussels Agreement, which is intended to normalize relations between Serbia and Kosovo.

The Kosovo Serbs say they would declare autonomy if Kosovo’s rulers’ fail to produce a draft statute of the Community of Serb Municipalities (ZSO). That agreement provides for the merger of the four Serb municipalities in the north (North Mitrovica, Zvecan, Zubin Potok and Leposavic), which are subject to Kosovo law. This urban district would have powers over economic development, education, healthcare, and town planning.

On Aug. 4, Kosovo PM Ramush Haradinaj warned Serbs in the northern section of the province that their potential "attempt to proclaim autonomy" would be met with a response, obviously meaning the use of force. Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic vowed action to protect his compatriots residing in Kosovo. KFOR is in a state of combat readiness, because NATO has failed to prevent a conflict between Kosovo and Serbia.

KFOR entered Kosovo in 1999. The Albanian government of the Serbian province fully depends on the West. As recent events convincingly illustrate, after all these years, nothing has been done to solve the problems of the Serb minority or even to get closer to a solution. The ethnic divisions in Macedonia and Montenegro remain. Bosnia Herzegovina is still a divided country on the brink of armed conflict. The Western Balkans has not become a second Hong Kong or Singapore, even after some of the regional countries joined the EU. Neither the ethnic nor the religious divisions were successfully addressed after several Balkan nations joined NATO. If there is any outside security threat, it comes from the North Atlantic Alliance, which has proven its readiness to use force to reach its goals in the region. A NATO air force base in Albania will hardly make the life of ordinary people living in the Western Balkans better or more secure, but it will certainly bring the concept of Greater Albania closer to reality.