The story behind
Soleimani’s assassination seems to go much deeper than what has thus far been
reported, involving Saudi Arabia and China as well the US dollar’s role as the
global reserve currency.
January 9, 2020
Days after the
assassination of General Qasem Soleimani, new and important information is
coming to light from a speech given by the Iraqi prime minister. The story
behind Soleimani’s assassination seems to go much deeper than what has thus far
been reported, involving Saudi Arabia and China as well the US dollar’s role as
the global reserve currency.
The Iraqi prime
minister, Adil Abdul-Mahdi, has revealed details of his interactions with Trump
in the weeks leading up to Soleimani’s assassination in a speech to the Iraqi
parliament. He tried to explain several times on live television how Washington
had been browbeating him and other Iraqi members of parliament to toe the
American line, even threatening to engage in false-flag sniper shootings of
both protesters and security personnel in order to inflame the situation,
recalling similar modi operandi seen in Cairo in 2009, Libya in 2011, and
Maidan in 2014. The purpose of such cynicism was to throw Iraq into chaos.
Here is the
reconstruction of the story:
[Speaker of the
Council of Representatives of Iraq] Halbousi attended the parliamentary session
while almost none of the Sunni members did. This was because the Americans had
learned that Abdul-Mehdi was planning to reveal sensitive secrets in the
session and sent Halbousi to prevent this. Halbousi cut Abdul-Mehdi off at the
commencement of his speech and then asked for the live airing of the session to
be stopped. After this, Halbousi together with other members, sat next to
Abdul-Mehdi, speaking openly with him but without it being recorded. This is
what was discussed in that session that was not broadcast:
Abdul-Mehdi spoke
angrily about how the Americans had ruined the country and now refused to
complete infrastructure and electricity grid projects unless they were promised
50% of oil revenues, which Abdul-Mehdi refused.
The complete (translated) words of Abdul-Mahdi’s
speech to parliament:
This is why I
visited China and signed an important agreement with them to undertake the
construction instead. Upon my return, Trump called me to ask me to reject this
agreement. When I refused, he threatened to unleash huge demonstrations against
me that would end my premiership.
Huge
demonstrations against me duly materialized and Trump called again to threaten
that if I did not comply with his demands, then he would have Marine snipers on
tall buildings target protesters and security personnel alike in order to
pressure me.
I refused again
and handed in my resignation. To this day the Americans insist on us rescinding
our deal with the Chinese.
After this, when
our Minister of Defense publicly stated that a third party was targeting both
protestors and security personnel alike (just as Trump had threatened he would
do), I received a new call from Trump threatening to kill both me and the
Minister of Defense if we kept on talking about this “third party”.
Nobody imagined
that the threat was to be applied to General Soleimani, but it was difficult
for Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi to reveal the weekslong backstory behind
the terrorist attack.
I was supposed to
meet him [Soleimani] later in the morning when he was killed. He came to
deliver a message from Iran in response to the message we had delivered to the
Iranians from the Saudis.
We can surmise,
judging by Saudi Arabia’s reaction, that some kind of negotiation was going
on between Tehran and Riyadh:
The Kingdom’s
statement regarding the events in Iraq stresses the Kingdom’s view of the
importance of de-escalation to save the countries of the region and their
people from the risks of any escalation.
Above all,
the Saudi Royal family wanted to let people know immediately
that they had not been informed of the US operation:
The kingdom of
Saudi Arabia was not consulted regarding the US strike. In light of the rapid
developments, the Kingdom stresses the importance of exercising restraint to
guard against all acts that may lead to escalation, with severe consequences.
And to emphasize
his reluctance for war, Mohammad bin Salman sent a delegation to the United
States. Liz Sly, the Washington Post Beirut bureau chief,
tweated:
Saudi Arabia is
sending a delegation to Washington to urge restraint with Iran on behalf of
[Persian] Gulf states. The message will be: ‘Please spare us the pain of going
through another war’.
What clearly
emerges is that the success of the operation against Soleimani had nothing to
do with the intelligence gathering of the US or Israel. It was known to all and
sundry that Soleimani was heading to Baghdad in a diplomatic capacity that
acknowledged Iraq’s efforts to mediate a solution to the regional crisis with
Saudi Arabia.
It would seem
that the Saudis, Iranians and Iraqis were well on the way towards averting a
regional conflict involving Syria, Iraq and Yemen. Riyadh’s reaction to the
American strike evinced no public joy or celebration. Qatar, while not seeing
eye to eye with Riyadh on many issues, also immediately expressed solidarity
with Tehran, hosting a meeting at a senior government level with Mohammad Zarif
Jarif, the Iranian foreign minister. Even Turkey and Egypt, when commenting on the asassination,
employed moderating language.
This could
reflect a fear of being on the receiving end of Iran’s retaliation. Qatar, the
country from which the drone that killed Soleimani took off, is only a stone’s
throw away from Iran, situated on the other side of the Strait of Hormuz.
Riyadh and Tel Aviv, Tehran’s regional enemies, both know that a military
conflict with Iran would mean the end of the Saudi royal family.
When the words of
the Iraqi prime minister are linked back to the geopolitical and energy
agreements in the region, then the worrying picture starts to emerge of a
desperate US lashing out at a world turning its back on a unipolar world order
in favor of the emerging multipolar about which I have long
written.
The US, now
considering itself a net energy exporter as a result of the shale-oil
revolution (on which the jury is still out), no longer needs to import oil from
the Middle East. However, this does not mean that oil can now be traded in any
other currency other than the US dollar.
The petrodollar
is what ensures that the US dollar retains its status as the global reserve
currency, granting the US a monopolistic position from which it derives
enormous benefits from playing the role of regional hegemon.
This privileged
position of holding the global reserve currency also ensures that the US can
easily fund its war machine by virtue of the fact that much of the world is
obliged to buy its treasury bonds that it is simply able to conjure out of thin
air. To threaten this comfortable arrangement is to threaten Washington’s
global power.
Even so, the
geopolitical and economic trend is inexorably towards a multipolar world order,
with China increasingly playing a leading role, especially in the Middle East
and South America.
Venezuela,
Russia, Iran, Iraq, Qatar and Saudi Arabia together make up the overwhelming
majority of oil and gas reserves in the world. The first three have an elevated
relationship with Beijing and are very much in the multipolar camp, something
that China and Russia are keen to further consolidate in order to ensure the
future growth for the Eurasian supercontinent without war and conflict.
Saudi Arabia, on
the other hand, is pro-US but could gravitate towards the Sino-Russian camp
both militarily and in terms of energy. The same process is going on with Iraq
and Qatar thanks to Washington’s numerous strategic errors in the region
starting from Iraq in 2003, Libya in 2011 and Syria and Yemen in recent years.
The agreement
between Iraq and China is a prime example of how Beijing intends to use the
Iraq-Iran-Syria troika to revive the Middle East and and link it to the Chinese
Belt and Road Initiative.
While Doha and
Riyadh would be the first to suffer economically from such an agreement, Beijing’s
economic power is such that, with its win-win approach, there is room for
everyone.
Saudi Arabia
provides China with most of its oil and Qatar, together with the Russian
Federation, supply China with most of its LNG needs, which lines up with Xi
Jinping’s 2030 vision that aims to greatly reduce polluting emissions.
The US is absent
in this picture, with little ability to influence events or offer any appealing
economic alternatives.
Washington would
like to prevent any Eurasian integration by unleashing chaos and destruction in
the region, and killing Soleimani served this purpose. The US cannot
contemplate the idea of the dollar losing its status as the global reserve
currency. Trump is engaging in a desperate gamble that could have disastrous consequences.
The region, in a
worst-case scenario, could be engulfed in a devastating war involving multiple
countries. Oil refineries could be destroyed all across the region, a quarter
of the world’s oil transit could be blocked, oil prices would skyrocket ($200-$300
a barrel) and dozens of countries would be plunged into a global financial
crisis. The blame would be laid squarely at Trump’s feet, ending his chances
for re-election.
To try and keep
everyone in line, Washington is left to resort to terrorism, lies and
unspecified threats of visiting destruction on friends and enemies alike.
Trump has
evidently been convinced by someone that the US can do without the Middle East,
that it can do without allies in the region, and that nobody would ever dare to
sell oil in any other currency than the US dollar.
Soleimani’s death
is the result of a convergence of US and Israeli interests. With no other way
of halting Eurasian integration, Washington can only throw the region into
chaos by targeting countries like Iran, Iraq and Syria that are central to the
Eurasian project. While Israel has never had the ability or audacity to carry
out such an assassination itself, the importance of the Israel Lobby to Trump’s
electoral success would have influenced his decision, all the more so in an
election year .
Trump believed
his drone attack could solve all his problems by frightening his opponents,
winning the support of his voters (by equating Soleimani’s assassination to
Osama bin Laden’s), and sending a warning to Arab countries of the dangers of
deepening their ties with China.
The assassination
of Soleimani is the US lashing out at its steady loss of influence in the
region. The Iraqi attempt to mediate a lasting peace between Iran and Saudi
Arabia has been scuppered by the US and Israel’s determination to prevent peace
in the region and instead increase chaos and instability.
Washington has
not achieved its hegemonic status through a preference for diplomacy and calm
dialogue, and Trump has no intention of departing from this approach.
Washington’s
friends and enemies alike must acknowledge this reality and implement the
countermeasures necessary to contain the madness.
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