EN -- Manlio Dinucci --« THE ART OF WAR » -- The farcical relations of the EU countries with Russia

« THE ART OF WAR » 

The farcical relations of the EU countries with Russia

by Manlio Dinucci

DEUTSCH  DANSK ENGLISH ESPAÑOL FRANÇAIS  ITALIANO  PORTUGUÊS ROMÎNA 
SUOMI NEDERLANDS  TURKÇE

The state of relations between Italy and Russia is « excellent » : such was the declaration by Prime  Minister Giuseppe Conté when he received President Vladimir Putin in Rome. The message was intended as a tranquilliser, even a sleeping pill, for public opinion. Fundamentally, the meeting was limited to the state of economic relations.

Russia, where 500 Italian companies are situated, is the fifth greatest extra-European market for our exports, and supplies 35 % of Italy's need for natural gas. These exchanges – specifies Putin – were worth 27 billion dollars in 2018, but in 2013, they generated 54 billion. This means that they have been halved because of what Conté calls « the deterioration of relations between Russia and the European Union which led to European sanctions » (which are in fact decided in Washington).

Despite this, there exists between the two countries « an intense relation at all levels ». A reassuring tone, which echoes that of Conte's visit Moscow in 2018 and Prime Minister Matteo Renzi's trip to Saint Petersbourg in 2016, when he guaranteed that « the phrase 'Cold War' has exited history and also reality ». So the farce continues.

In his relations with Russia, Conté (like Renzi in 2016) presents himself only in the function of  head of government of a European Union country, dissimulating Italy's membership in NATO, under command of the USA, which it considers a « privileged ally ». So at the Italy- Russia table there is a space reserved for the stone guest, the « privileged ally » with Italy swimming in its wake.

The Conté government declares that the state of relations with Russia is « excellent », even though less than a week earlier at NATO headquarters, he had once again accused Russia of having violated the  INF Treaty (on the basis of « proof » supplied by Washington), thus falling into step with the US decision to bury the Treaty in order to install new intermediate-range nuclear missiles pointed at Russia.

On 3 July, the eve of Putin's visit to Italy, Moscow published a law, signed by Putin, suspending Russian participation in the Treaty, a preventative act before Washington left definitively on 2 August.

Ø  Putin also warned that if the USA deployed new nuclear weapons in European countries close to Russia, then Russia would point its missiles at the areas where these missiles are based.

Ø  So the warning also affects Italy, which is presently preparing to house, from 2020, the new B61-12 bombs which are also available for the Italian Air Force - under US command.

Ø  One week before the confirmation of this « excellent » state of relations with Russia, the Conte  government confirmed Italian participation in  the NATO force – under US command – of 30 warships, 30 battalions and 30 aerial squadrons which can be deployed in Europe within 30 days against Russia as from 2020.

Ø  Maintaining the anti-Russia function, Italian ships are taking part in NATO manoeuvres of submarine warfare. Mechanised Italian forces are part of the NATO battle group in Latvia, while two weeks ago, the Ariete Armoured Brigade was in training in Poland. Italian fighter aircraft - Eurofighter Typhoons – are deployed in Romania and Latvia.

All of this confirms that Italian foreign and military policy is not decided in Rome, but in Washington, right under the nose of the «sovereignty» attributed to the current government.

Relations with Russia, like those with China, are based on the quicksand of Italian dependency on the strategic decisions made in Washington. We only have to remember how in 2014, on orders by Washington, the Russia-Italy South Stream gas pipeline was sabotaged, causing billions of Euros of loss for Italian companies. In the absolute silence and consensus of the Italian government.

Manlio Dinucci

il manifesto, 09 July 2019

Translation : Pete Kimberley 

ФЛОРЕНТИЙСКАЯ ДЕКЛАРАЦИЯ

ЗА МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЙ ФРОНТ «НАТОЭКЗИТ»

DANSK DEUTSCH ENGLISH ESPAÑOL  FRANÇAIS ITALIANO  NEDERLANDS
PORTUGUÊS ROMÎNA SLOVENSKÝ SVENSKA TÜRKÇE РУССКИЙ СРПСКИ  

Manlio Dinucci

Geographer and geopolitical scientist. Most recent books:: Laboratorio di geografia, Zanichelli 2014 ; Diario di viaggio, Zanichelli 2017 ; L’arte della guerra / Annali della strategia Usa/Nato 1990-2016, Zambon 2016, Guerra Nucleare. Il Giorno Prima 2017; Diario di guerra Asterios Editores 2018.

Author of the documentation presented at the International Conference on the 70th Anniversary of NATO –  I 70 ANNI DELLA NATO: DI GUERRA IN GUERRA --  Firenze, April 7, 2019 and together with Prof. Chossudovsky wrote and signed the Declaration of Florence.

International award for geostrategic analysis awarded on 7 June 2019 by the Club of journalists of Mexico, A.C.

EN -- Manlio Dinucci, Spokesman for the Comitato No Guerra No Nato, Laureate of the Club de Periodistas de México, A.C.

Manlio Dinucci,

Spokesman for the Comitato No Guerra No Nato,

Laureate of the Club de Periodistas de México, A.C.

 FRANÇAIS ITALIANO PORTUGUÊS ROMÎNA

Among the laureats of the National and International Journalism Competition, organised by the  Club de Periodistas de México (Mexican Journalists Club), this year we welcome Manlio Dinucci, the spokesman of the Comitato No Guerra No NATO (No War, No NATO Committee, NWNNC).

The Club de Periodistas de Mexico, A.C., founded in the 1950's, has a long history of struggle for freedom of expression, for an independent and truthful journalism which defies the major powers, whether overt or occult, even at the risk of losing lives.

Since the year 2000, approximately 13 journalists have been assassinated in Mexico, six of whom died in the first six months of 2019. The Club publishes a nationally broadcast bi-monthly magazine, Voces del Periodista, as well as a televised rubric.

The laureats of the Competition  - chosen by an independent jury – were presented at the prize-giving ceremony in Mexico, by Celeste Sáenz de Miera, General Secretary of the Club.

The most significant prize was awarded to Julian Assange, whose name has become the « international symbol of the new journalism of’investigation and denunciation, of the struggle against the manipulation of information and the hiding of true interests behind media presentations. » The Assange Prize was accepted by Pedro Miguel, director of Wikileaks in Mexico.

Manlio Dinucci – whose articles are often published in Spanish by the magazine of the Club de Periodistas de Mexico – was awarded the International Prize for Geo-strategic Analysis, because « he puts his knowledge as a researcher and his capacities of analysis in the service of international pacifism, in a period of great danger for the integrity of many nations, and because his is a that defends reason and justice ».

In her presentation, the Club secretary, Celeste Saenz de Miera, demonstrated the importance of the  Declaration of Florence, published on 7 April at the end of the International Conference by the  NWNNC and by Global Research, the Canadian Centre for Research on Globalisation directed by Professor Michel Chossudovsky.

A brief note about the author:

Geographer and geopolitical scientist. His latest books are Laboratorio di geografia, Zanichelli 2014 ; Diario di viaggio, Zanichelli 2017 ; L’arte della guerra / Annali della strategia Usa/Nato 1990-2016, Zambon 2016, Guerra Nucleare. Il Giorno Prima 2017; Diario di guerra Asterios Editores 2018, Premio internazionale per l'analisi geostrategica assegnato il 7 giugno 2019 dal Club dei giornalisti del Messico, A.C.

Full speech of thanks to the Mexican Journalists Club, A.C.

Dear Colleagues and Friends,

It is a great honour for me to receive the International Prize for Journalism from the prestigious Journalists Club of Mexico.

Even though we work in different contexts, I think that we are all facing the same fundamental question – what is the rôle of journalists today? The answer is more complex than it might seem.

An unprecedented technological development has evolved in the space of one generation, a system of information and communication which covers the whole world – the same news and images arrive simultaneously in every country, entering into every house which is connected to the Internet and TV networks.

The speed at which these transformations occurred, and are still occurring, may however lead us to overlook the characteristics of the phenomenon – global information and communication in fact have their own « frontiers ».

The gap between these information and communication technologies (the digital divide) is much greater.

The motor centres of the global system of information and communication are mostly concentrated in specific countries which, according to conventional categories, are considered « the most developed ». These are the countries where the headquarters of the colossal multimedia groups are situated – groups which have the capacity to influence the opinions and tastes of people on a planetary scale.

The decisive element is not the technology, but the use to which it is put.

For example, the capacity of television to distribute images of a particular event to any country - while it can, on the one hand, be used to expand the horizons of understanding of its TV audience, it can also be used to limit it by making the spectators believe that only what we see is real, and what we do not see does not exist.

The capacity of the Internet to facilitate contact between people from all over the world may, on the one hand, serve the development of multiculturalism, but on the other, could serve the hegemony of one specific language or culture over others. The same is true of the social networks, extended to the planetary level.

In general, the global system of information and communication can serve mutual understanding by contributing to peaceful relations, but it can also facilitate the preparation of public opinion for war, for example, by the use of media campaigns which demonise certain countries and governments.

In this context, the rôle of journalists is fundamental. They must not be reduced to simple distributors of pre-fabricated information from the centres of media power. They must be the indefatigable seekers of truth, they must have the courage to say what others dare not. This is an often difficult and dangerous duty, today more important than ever for the essential choices on which the future of humanity depends.

This is the duty you are pursuing, esteemed friends from the Jounalists Club of Mexico, and so I appreciate even more the prize which you have awarded me. It is the symbol of our common engagement on the front line of the struggle ».

A more complete note about the author:

Manlio Dinucci, journalist and essayist, lived and worked in Beijing in the 1960s, contributing to the publication of the first Chinese-language magazine in Italian and to the dissemination of Letters from China  by the American journalist Anna Louise Strong.

Based on this experience he published, with Mazzotta Editore, La lotta di Classe in Cina/1949-1974 (1975) and Economia e organizzazione del lavoro in Cina (1976).

In the 1980s, he directed the magazine Lotta per la pace (born of the “Appeal against the installation of nuclear missiles in Italy”, launched in 1979 by Ludovico Geymonat et al.) and was Executive Director for Italy of the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, winner of the 1985 Nobel Peace Prize.

Co-author, with Tonino Bello et al., of FiancoSud/Puglia, Mezzogiorno, Terzo Mondo: rapportosui processi di militarizzazione (Piero Nanni, 1989). 

Co-author, such as the Nobel Prize in Medicine, Daniel Bovet, of Desert Storm/The Northern Arms, the drama of the South, with the presentation of Ernesto Balducci (Edizione Cultura della Pace, 1991). With the same publishing house published Hyperwar. Dalla "iperguerra" of the Gulf alla  Conferenza sul Medio Oriente (1991) and La strategia dell'impero/Dalle direttive del Pentagono al Nuovo Modello di Difesa (1992), written with U. Allegretti and D. Gallo and presented by R. La Valle.

Author of L'oro e la Spada/Imperi economici e guerre di conquista nell'era del capitale globale(Comutato Golfo, 1993). 

Author of  Il potere nucleare/Storia di una follia da Hiroshima al 2015 (Fazi Editore, 2003). 

Co-author, with A. Burgio and V. Giacché, of Escalation/Anatomy of the Infinite War (DeriveApprodi, 2005). 

Author of L'Arte della Guerra (Zambon Editore, 2015).  and Diario di guerra - Escalation verso la catastrofe (2016 - 2018) 

Collaborating at  il manifesto, with the weekly rubric "L'Arte della Guerra", and with Pandora TV , directed by Giulietto Chiesa. He is also the author of school texts on human geography.

Author of the documentation presented at the International Conference on the 70th Anniversary of NATO –  I 70 ANNI DELLA NATO: DI GUERRA IN GUERRA --  Firenze, April 7, 2019 and together with Prof. Chossudovsky wrote and signed the Declaration of Florence.

Translator: Pete Kimberley

Prof Michel Chossudovsky --A Major Conventional War Against Iran Is an Impossibility. Crisis within the US Command Structure

A Major Conventional War Against Iran Is an Impossibility. Crisis within the US Command Structure

By Prof Michel Chossudovsky

Global Research, July 08, 2019

Region: Middle East & North Africa

Theme: Militarization and WMD, US NATO War Agenda

In this article, we examine America’s war strategies, including its ability to launch an all out theater war against the Islamic Republic on Iran.

A follow-up article will focus on the History of US War Plans against Iran as well as the complexities underlying the Structure of Military Alliances. 

PT -- Manlio Dinucci -A arte da guerra -- A Farsa das Relações com a Rússia

A arte da guerra 

A Farsa das Relações com a Rússia

Manlio Dinucci

DEUTSCH  DANSK ENGLISH ESPAÑOL FRANÇAIS  ITALIANO  PORTUGUÊS ROMÎNA 
SUOMI NEDERLANDS  TURKÇE

O estado das relações entre a Itália e a Rússia é “excelente”: afirmou o Primeiro Ministro Conte, ao receber em Roma, o Presidente Putin. A mensagem é reconfortante, na verdade, soporífera em relação à opinião pública. Limitamo-nos, fundamentalmente, ao estado das relações económicas.

A Rússia, onde funcionam 500 empresas italianas, é o quinto mercado extra-europeu para as nossas exportações e fornece 35% da procura italiana de gás natural. O intercâmbio - Putin especifica - foi de 27 biliões de dólares em 2018, mas em 2013 chegou a 54 biliões. Portanto, reduziu para metade o que Conte designa como a “deterioração das relações entre a Rússia e a União Europeia, que conduziu às sanções europeias” (decididas, na realidade, em Washington).

Porém, existe um “relacionamento intenso a todos os níveis” entre os dois países. Tons tranquilizadores que reflectem os da visita de Conte a Moscovo, em 2018 e do Primeiro Ministro Renzi, a São Petersburgo, em 2016, quando garantiu que “a expressão Guerra Fria está fora do contexto da História e da realidade”. Assim, a farsa continua.

Nas relações com a Rússia, Conte (como Renzi, em 2016) apresenta-se unicamente, nos trajes de Chefe de Governo de um país da União Europeia, escondendo-se atrás da adesão da Itália à NATO, sob o comando dos Estados Unidos, considerado “aliado privilegiado”. O “aliado privilegiado” em cuja esteira a Itália está colocada. À mesa das conversações da Itália com a Rússia, continua ainda a sentar-se, como “convidado de pedra,” o “aliado privilegiado”, sob cuja alçada se coloca a Itália.

O governo Conte declara “excelente” o estado das relações com a Rússia quando, há apenas uma semana, no quartel general da NATO, acusou novamente a Rússia de violar o Tratado INF (com base nas “provas” fornecidas por Washington), alinhando-se com a decisão USA de destruir o Tratado, para instalar na Europa, novos mísseis nucleares de alcance intermédio, apontados para a Rússia.

Em 3 de Julho, um dia antes da visita de Putin à Itália, foi publicada em Moscovo o decreto-lei assinado por ele, que suspende a participação russa no Tratado: uma medida preventiva antes que Washington saia definitivamente, em 2 de Agosto.

Ø O próprio Putin advertiu que, se os EUA colocarem novas armas nucleares na Europa ao redor da Rússia, esta apontará os seus mísseis para as zonas onde estiverem localizados.

Ø  Assim, também previne a Itália, que se prepara para hospedar, a partir de 2020, as novas bombas nucleares B61-12 à disposição da força aérea italiana, sob comando USA.

Ø  Uma semana antes da confirmação do estado “excelente” das relações com a Rússia, o governo Conte confirmou a participação da Itália na força NATO, sob o comando USA, de 30 navios de guerra, 30 batalhões e 30 esquadrões aéreos que se podem instalar ​​em 30 dias na Europa, contra Rússia, a partir de 2020.

Ø  Sempre em função anti-Rússia, navios italianos participam nos exercícios da NATO, de guerra submarina; forças mecanizadas italianas fazem parte do grupo de combate da NATO, na Letónia e a brigada blindada Ariete exercitou-se há duas semanas na Polónia, enquanto caças italianos Eurofighter Typhoon estão instalados na Roménia e na Letónia.

Tudo isto confirma que a política externa e militar da Itália é decidida não em Roma, mas em Washington, apesar da “soberania” atribuída ao governo actual.

As relações económicas com a Rússia e até com a China, assentam sobre as areias movediças da dependência italiana das decisões estratégicas de Washington. Basta recordar como, em 2014, por ordem de Washington, foi destruído o gasoduto South Stream Rússia-Itália, com prejuízos de biliões de euros para as empresas italianas. Com o silêncio absoluto e com o consentimento do governo italiano. 

il manifesto, 9 de Julho de 2019

«DICHIARAZIONE DI FIRENZE»

Per la creazione di un fronte internazionale NATO EXIT in tutti i paesi europei della NATO

DANSK DEUTSCH ENGLISH ESPAÑOL  FRANÇAIS ITALIANO  NEDERLANDS
PORTUGUÊS ROMÎNA SLOVENSKÝ SVENSKA TÜRKÇE РУССКИЙ СРПСКИ  

Manlio Dinucci

Geógrafo e geopolitólogo. Livros mais recentes: Laboratorio di geografia, Zanichelli 2014 ; Diario di viaggio, Zanichelli 2017 ; L’arte della guerra / Annali della strategia Usa/Nato 1990-2016, Zambon 2016, Guerra Nucleare. Il Giorno Prima 2017; Diario di guerra Asterios Editores 2018; Premio internazionale per l'analisi geostrategica atribuído em 7 de Junho de 2019 pelo Club dei giornalisti del Messico, A.C.

IT -- Manlio Dinucci -- L’arte della guerra -- La sceneggiata delle relazioni con la Russia

L’arte della guerra 

La sceneggiata delle relazioni con la Russia

Manlio Dinucci

DEUTSCH  DANSK ENGLISH ESPAÑOL FRANÇAIS  ITALIANO  PORTUGUÊS ROMÎNA 
SUOMI NEDERLANDS  TURKÇE

  

Lo stato delle relazioni tra Italia e Russia è «eccellente»: lo afferma il premier Conte ricevendo a Roma il presidente Putin. Il messaggio è tranquillizzante, anzi soporifero nei confronti dell’opinione pubblica. Ci si limita, fondamentalmente, allo stato delle relazioni economiche.

La Russia, dove operano 500 aziende italiane, è il quinto mercato extra-europeo per il nostro export e fornisce il 35% del fabbisogno italiano di gas naturale. L’interscambio – precisa Putin – è stato di 27 miliardi di dollari nel 2018, ma nel 2013 ammontava a 54 miliardi. Si è quindi dimezzato a causa di quello che Conte definisce il «deterioramento delle relazioni tra Russia e Unione europea che ha portato alle sanzioni europee» (in realtà decise a Washington).

Nonostante ciò vi è tra i due paesi una «intensa relazione a tutti i livelli». Toni rassicuranti che ricalcano quelli della visita di Conte a Mosca nel 2018 e del premier Renzi a San Pietroburgo nel 2016, quando aveva garantito che «la parola guerra fredda è fuori dalla storia e dalla realtà». Prosegue così la sceneggiata.

Nelle relazioni con la Russia, Conte (come Renzi nel 2016) si presenta unicamente nelle vesti di capo di governo di un paese dell’Unione europea, nascondendo dietro le quinte l’appartenenza dell’Italia alla Nato sotto comando degli Stati uniti, considerati «alleato privilegiato». Al tavolo Italia-Russia continua quindi a sedere, quale convitato di pietra, l’«alleato privilegiato» sulla cui scia si colloca l’Italia.

Il governo Conte dichiara «eccellente» lo stato delle relazioni con la Russia quando, appena una settimana prima in sede Nato, ha accusato di nuovo la Russia di aver violato il Trattato Inf  (in base alle «prove» fornite da Washington), accodandosi  alla decisione Usa di affossare il Trattato per schierare in Europa nuovi missili nucleari a raggio intermedio puntati sulla Russia.

Il 3 luglio, il giorno prima della visita di Putin in Italia, è stata pubblicata a Mosca la legge da lui firmata che sospende la partecipazione russa al Trattato: una mossa preventiva prima che Washington ne esca definitivamete il 2 agosto.

Ø  Lo stesso Putin ha avvertito che, se gli Usa schiereranno nuove armi nucleari in Europa a ridosso della Russia, questa punterà i suoi missili sulle zone in cui sono dislocate.

Ø  È così avvertita anche l’Italia, che si prepara a ospitare dal 2020 le nuove bombe nucleari B61-12 a disposizioe anche dell’aeronautica italiana sotto comando Usa.

Ø  Una settimana prima della conferma dell’«eccellente» stato delle relazioni con la Russia, il governo Conte ha confermato la partecipazione italiana alla forza Nato sotto comando Usa di 30 navi da guerra, 30 battaglioni e 30 squadre aeree dispiegabili entro 30 giorni in Europa contro la Russia a partire dal 2020.

Ø  Sempre in funzione anti-Russia navi italiane partecipano a esercitazioni Nato di guerra sottomarina; forze meccanizzate italiane fanno parte del Gruppo di battaglia Nato in Lettonia e la Brigata corazzata Ariete si è esercitata due settimane fa in Polonia, mentre caccia italiani Eurofighter Typhoon vengono schierati in Romania e Lettonia.

Tutto ciò conferma che la politica estera e militare dell’Italia viene decisa non a Roma ma a Washington, in barba al «sovranismo» attribuito all’attuale governo.

Le relazioni economiche con la Russia, e anche quelle con la Cina, poggiano sulle sabbie mobili della dipendenza italiana dalle decisioni strategiche di Washington. Basta ricordare come nel 2014, per ordine di Washington, venne affossato il gasdotto South Stream Russia-Italia, con perdite di miliardi di euro per le aziende italiane. Con l’assoluto silenzio e consenso del governo italiano. 

Manlio Dinucci 

il manifesto, 9 luglio 2019

«DICHIARAZIONE DI FIRENZE»

Per la creazione di un fronte internazionale NATO EXIT in tutti i paesi europei della NATO

DANSK DEUTSCH ENGLISH ESPAÑOL  FRANÇAIS ITALIANO  NEDERLANDS
PORTUGUÊS ROMÎNA SLOVENSKÝ SVENSKA TÜRKÇE РУССКИЙ СРПСКИ  

Manlio Dinucci

Geografo e geopolitologo. Libri più recenti: Laboratorio di geografia, Zanichelli 2014 ; Diario di viaggio, Zanichelli 2017 ; L’arte della guerra / Annali della strategia Usa/Nato 1990-2016, Zambon 2016, Guerra Nucleare. Il Giorno Prima 2017; Diario di guerra Asterios Editores 2018; Premio internazionale per l'analisi geostrategica assegnato il 7 giugno 2019 dal Club dei giornalisti del Messico, A.C.

FR -- Manlio Dinucci -- L’art de la guerre -- La farce des relations avec la Russie

L’art de la guerre 

La farce des relations avec la Russie

Manlio Dinucci

DEUTSCH  DANSK ENGLISH ESPAÑOL FRANÇAIS  ITALIANO  PORTUGUÊS ROMÎNA 
SUOMI NEDERLANDS  TURKÇE

L’état des relations entre Italie et Russie est “excellent” : c’est ce qu’affirme le Premier ministre Conte en recevant à Rome le président Poutine. Le message est tranquillisant, soporifique même à l’égard de l’opinion publique. On s’y limite, fondamentalement, à l’état des relations économiques.

 La Russie, où opèrent 500 entreprises italiennes, est le cinquième marché extra-européen pour notre export et fournit 35% des besoins italiens en gaz naturel. Les échanges -précise Poutine- ont été de 27 milliards de dollars en 2018, mais en 2013 ils se montaient à 54 milliards. Ils ont donc été divisés par deux à cause de ce que Conte appelle la “détérioration des relations entre la Russie et l’Union européenne qui a conduit aux sanctions européennes” (en réalité décidées à Washington).

  Malgré cela il y a entre les deux pays une “intense relation à tous les niveaux”. Un ton rassurant qui reproduit celui de la visite de Conte à Moscou en 2018 et du Premier ministre Renzi à Saint Petersbourg en 2016, quand il avait garanti que “le mot guerre froide est sorti de l’histoire et de la réalité”. Ainsi continue la farce.

 Dans les relations avec la Russie, Conte (comme Renzi en 2016) se présente uniquement en habit de chef de gouvernement d’un pays de l’Union européenne, en dissimulant dans les coulisses l’appartenance de l’Italie à l’OTAN sous commandement des États-Unis, considérés comme “allié privilégié”. À la table Italie-Russie continue ainsi à siéger, en tant qu’invité de pierre, “l’allié privilégié” dans le sillage duquel se place l’Italie.

  Le gouvernement Conte déclare “excellent” l’état des relations avec la Russie alors qu’à peine une semaine plus tôt au siège de l’OTAN, il a de nouveau accusé la Russie d’avoir violé le Traité FNI (sur la base des “preuves” fournies par Washington), se mettant en rang derrière la décision USA d’enterrer le Traité afin de déployer en Europe de nouveaux missiles nucléaires à portée intermédiaire pointés sur la Russie.

  Le 3 juillet, la veille de la visite de Poutine en Italie, a été publiée à Moscou la loi qu’il a signée suspendant la participation russe au Traité : une action préventive avant que Washington n’en sorte définitivement le 2 août.

Ø  Poutine a aussi prévenu que si les USA déploient de nouvelles armes nucléaires en Europe adossées à la Russie, celle-ci pointera ses missiles sur les zones où elles sont basées.

Ø  Ainsi est avertie même l’Italie, qui se prépare à accueillir à partir de 2020 les nouvelles bombes B61-12 à disposition aussi de l’aéronautique italienne sous commandement étasunien.

Ø  Une semaine avant la confirmation de l’ “excellent” état des relations avec la Russie, le gouvernement Conte a confirmé la participation italienne à la force OTAN sous commandement USA de 30 navires de guerre, 30 bataillons et 30 escadres aériennes déployables en 30 jours en Europe contre la Russie à partir de 2020.

Ø  Toujours en fonction anti-Russie des navires italiens participent à des manoeuvres OTAN de guerre sous-marine ; des forces mécanisées italiennes font partie du Groupe de bataille OTAN en Lettonie  et la Brigade blindée Ariete s’est exercée il y a deux semaines en Pologne, tandis que des chasseurs italiens Eurofighter Typhoon sont déployés en Roumanie et Lettonie.

 Tout ceci confirme que la politique étrangère et militaire de l’Italie est décidée non pas à Rome mais à Washington, à la barbe du “souverainisme” attribué à l’actuel gouvernement.

   Les relations avec la Russie, comme celles avec la Chine, reposent sur les sables mouvants de la dépendance italienne des décisions stratégiques de Washington. Il suffit de rappeler comment en 2014, sur ordre de Washington, fut sabordé le gazoduc South Stream Russie-Italie, avec des pertes de milliards d’euros pour les entreprises italiennes. Dans l’absolu silence et consensus du gouvernement italien.

Manlio Dinucci 

Édition de mardi 9 juillet 2019 de il manifesto

Traduit de l’italien par Marie-Ange Patrizio

«DICHIARAZIONE DI FIRENZE»

Per la creazione di un fronte internazionale NATO EXIT in tutti i paesi europei della NATO

DANSK DEUTSCH ENGLISH ESPAÑOL  FRANÇAIS ITALIANO  NEDERLANDS
PORTUGUÊS ROMÎNA SLOVENSKÝ SVENSKA TÜRKÇE РУССКИЙ СРПСКИ  

Manlio Dinucci

Geografo e geopolitologo. Libri più recenti: Laboratorio di geografia, Zanichelli 2014 ; Diario di viaggio, Zanichelli 2017 ; L’arte della guerra / Annali della strategia Usa/Nato 1990-2016, Zambon 2016, Guerra Nucleare. Il Giorno Prima 2017; Diario di guerra Asterios Editores 2018; Premio internazionale per l'analisi geostrategicaassegnato il 7 giugno 2019 dal Club dei giornalisti del Messico, A.C.