The Future for China
July 15,
2020
by Eric
Zuesse for the Saker Blog
On July
14th, the two conjoined gangster-regimes, U.S. & UK, simultaneously
started, with deadly seriousness, their aggressive economic war against China.
The Navy
released a couple of photos on Tuesday of the destroyer sailing near the
contested Spratly Islands, and a Navy spokesman confirmed that the ship
conducted a freedom-of-navigation operation in the area.
The
Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Ralph Johnson (DDG 114) steams
near the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea. Ralph Johnson is deployed
conducting maritime security operations and theater security cooperation
efforts for a free and open Indo-Pacific. U.S. Navy Photo by Mass
Communication Specialist 3rd Class Anthony Collier
Having
alienated the remaining 27 members of the European Union and set Anglo-Russian
relations back a century, Boris Johnson has just declared an economic war on
China. … The proximate reason – that allowing Huawei into Britain’s 5G roll-out
is a “security risk” – is patently false. If that were true for 5G, it would be
true of 3 and 4G. If it were true then the company would have to be banished
now, not in 2027 (by when, incidentally, 5G will be so last year).
There is
not a shred, not a scintilla, not a jot or tittle, of evidence that Huawei has
ever done anything wrong during its highly successful penetration of the British
market, from which Britain has economically benefited mightily.
And if
Chinese investment in 5G is not wanted – indeed, is being ejected – what of
China’s powerful stake in Britain’s energy sector? What happens if China pulls
the plugs on its nuclear power stations? Do all our lights go out? Has anyone
thought this Chinese Kick-Away through? … BoJo’s decision to throw the Huawei
5G deal on the scrapheap shows UK poodle still obeys its US master
In this
triple whammy of sanctions, gunboats and settlement, the brassy note of
Jingoism plays ‘Rule Britannia’, but no one seems to have noticed that China is
a vastly richer and more powerful adversary than it was when we extorted Hong
Kong from them in punishment for their attempt to halt the flood of British
opium into China which caused the addiction of 90 million Chinese people.
The
economic sanctions imposed on China in the Huawei affair will be returned
several-fold by Beijing.
Galloway
might be correct, that China will be able to survive UK’s attempts to stifle
China’s rise as a global economic competitor to the UK-U.S. empire, but if the
U.S. is allowed to block China’s shipments through the South China Sea, then
the war against China has already been won. It’s much more serious.
China has
internationally been losing each one of the major rounds in its territorial
disputes regarding its territorial claims in the South China Sea. It’s as if
the U.S. were losing territorial claims in the Caribbean, except that the South
China Sea is far more geostrategically important to China than the Caribbean is
to the United States. So, China’s losses here are geostrategic ones. Those are
disputes versus the Philippines, Vietnam and Malaysia, and the U.S. regime has
played a decisive role in each case on the basis of its bilateral treaties,
such as the 1951 U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defense
Treaty, which enables the Philippines to call upon U.S. military backing in
case the Philippines needs muscle in order to assert a territorial claim
against another country, such as, say, China, which is the giant in their
neighborhood.
U.S.
President Harry S. Truman strongly disagreed with his predecessor, Franklin
Delano Roosevelt’s, opposition to imperialism, and he went for it almost as
soon as he became the U.S. President. Actually, he became President at FDR’s
death on 12 April 1945, and then, less than four months later, on 26 July 1945, committed himself to the
Military-Industrial Complex’s dream of establishing an all-encompassing U.S.
global empire. He made that decision, on 26 July 1945, which subsequently
created the coups, military invasions, importations of thousands of Nazi
officials into The West, to help America’s fight against the Soviet Union,
and construction
of the CIA’a program to control what international ‘news’ would be off-limits
to report in the U.S., and in its vassal-nations.
Elliott
Roosevelt, FDR’s son who accompanied his father during crucial international
meetings, felt that Truman was a traitor to his father’s anti-imperialistic
legacy. FDR, according to his son, Elliott, also wasn’t too fond of Churchill,
who agreed with Truman because Churchill had always been a champion of British
imperialism and he needed U.S. acceptance of that.
Elliott
wrote:
——
“Roosevelt
and Churchill Discuss Colonial Questions, August 10, 1941, excerpt
from Elliott Roosevelt, As He Saw It (New York: Duell, Sloan
and Pearce, 1946).”
Father
[FDR] started it.
“Of
course,” he remarked, with a sly sort of assurance, “of course, after the war,
one of the preconditions of any lasting peace will have to be the greatest
possible freedom of trade.”
He paused.
The P.M.’s [Churchill’s] head was lowered; he was watching Father steadily,
from under one eyebrow.
“No
artificial barriers,” Father pursued. “As few favored economic
agreements as possible. Opportunities for expansion. Markets open for healthy
competition.” His eye wandered innocently around the room.
Churchill shifted
in his armchair. “The British Empire trade agreements,” he began heavily, “are
— ”
Father
broke in. “Yes. Those Empire trade agreements are a case in point. It’s because
of them that the people of India and Africa, of all the colonial Near East and
Far East, are still as backward as they are.”
Churchill’s
neck reddened and he crouched forward. “Mr. President, England does not propose
for a moment to lose its favored position among the British Do-minions. The
trade that has made England great shall continue, and under conditions
prescribed by England’s ministers.”
“You
see,” said Father slowly, “it is along in here somewhere that there is likely
to be some disagreement between you, Winston, and me.
“I am
firmly of the belief that if we are to arrive at a stable peace it must involve
the development of backward countries. Backward peoples. How can this be done?
It can’t be done, obviously, by eighteenth-century methods. Now — ”
“Who’s
talking eighteenth-century methods?”
“Whichever
of your ministers recommends a policy which takes wealth in raw materials out
of a colonial country, but which returns nothing to the people of that country
in consideration. Twentieth-century methods involve bringing industry
to these colonies. Twentieth-century methods include increasing the wealth of a
people by increasing their standard of living, by educating them, by bringing
them sanitation — by making sure that they get a return for the raw wealth of
their community.”
Around the
room, all of us were leaning forward attentively. [Harry] Hopkins [a major FDR
adviser] was grinning. Commander [C. R.] Thompson, Churchill’s aide, was
looking glum and alarmed. The P.M. himself was beginning to look apoplectic.
“You
mentioned India,” he growled.
“Yes. I
can’t believe that we can fight a war against fascist slavery, and at the same
time not work to free people all over the world from a backward colonial
policy”
“What
about the Philippines?”
“I’m
glad you mentioned them. They get their independence, you know, in 1946. And
they’ve gotten modern sanitation, modern education; their rate of illiteracy
has gone steadily down
“There
can be no tampering with the Empire’s economic agreements.”
“They’re
artificial …”
“They’re
the foundation of our greatness.”
“The
peace,” said Father firmly, “cannot include any continued despotism. The
structure of the peace demands and will get equality of peoples. Equality
of peoples involves the utmost freedom of competitive trade. …”
It was
after two in the morning when finally the British party said their good nights.
I helped Father into his cabin, and sat down to smoke a last cigarette with
him.
Father
grunted. “A real old Tory, isn’t he? A real old Tory, of the old school.”
“I thought
for a minute he was [you were] going to bust, Pop.”
“Oh,” he
smiled, “I’ll be able to work with him. Don’t worry about that. We’ll get along
famously.”
“So long
as you keep off the subject of India.”
“Mmm, I
don’t know. I think we’ll even talk some more about India, before we’re
through. And Burma. And Java. And Indo-China. And Indonesia. And all the
African colonies. And Egypt and Palestine. We’ll talk about ’em all.”
At the Casablanca
Conference
A similar
kind of discussion occurred between Roosevelt and Churchill at the
Casablanca Conference in January 1943. The following is Elliott’s
description of his father’s talk with him one evening during that meeting:
His
thoughts turned to the problem of the colonies and the colonial markets, the
problem which he felt was at the core of all chance for future peace. ‘The
thing is,’ he remarked thoughtfully, replacing a smoked cigarette in his holder
with a fresh one, ‘the colonial system means war. Exploit the resources of an
India, a Burma, a Java; take all the wealth out of those countries, but never
put anything back into them, things like education, decent standards of living,
minimum health requirements — all you’re doing is storing up the kind of
trouble that leads to war. All you’re doing is negating the value of any kind
of organizational structure for peace before it begins.
‘The look
that Churchill gets on his face when you mention India!
‘India should
be made a commonwealth at once. After a certain number of years — five perhaps,
or ten — she should be able to choose whether she wants to remain in the Empire
or have complete independence.
‘As a
commonwealth, she would be entitled to a modern form of government, an adequate
health and educational standard. But how can she have these things, when
Britain is taking all the wealth of her national resources away from her, every
year? Every year the Indian people have one thing to look forward to, like
death and taxes. Sure as shooting, they have a famine. The season of the
famine, they call it.’
He paused
for a moment, thinking.
‘I must
tell Churchill what I found out about his British Gambia today,’ he said, with
a note of determination.
‘At
Bathurst?’ I prompted.
‘This
morning,’ he said, and now there was real feeling in his voice, ‘at about
eight-thirty, we drove through Bathurst to the airfield. The natives were just
getting to work. In rags … glum-looking. … They told us the natives would look
happier around noontime, when the sun should have burned off the dew and the
chill. I was told the prevailing wages for these men was one and nine. One
shilling, ninepence. Less than fifty cents.’
‘An
hour?’ I asked, foolishly.
‘A
{day!} Fifty cents a {day!} Besides which, they’re given a half-cup of rice.’
He shifted uneasily in his big bed. ‘Dirt, disease. Very high mortality rate. I
asked. Life expectancy — you’d never guess what it was. Twenty-six years. Those
people are treated worse than the livestock. Their cattle live longer!’
He was silent
for a moment.
‘Churchill
may have thought I wasn’t serious, last time. He’ll find out, this time.’ He
looked at me thoughtfully for a moment. ‘How is it, where you are? How is it in
Algeria?’ he asked.
I told him
it was the same story. Rich country, rich resources, natives desperately poor,
a few white colonials that lived very well, a few native princes that lived
very well, otherwise poverty, disease, ignorance. He nodded.
And then
he went on to tell of what he thought should be done: France to be restored
as a world power, then to be entrusted with her former colonies, as a trustee.
As trustee, she was to report each year on the progress of her stewardship, how
the literacy rate was improving, how the death rate declining, how disease
being stamped out, how. …
‘Wait a
minute,’ I interrupted. ‘Who’s she going to report all this to?’
‘The
organization of the United Nations, when it’s been set up,’ answered Father. It
was the first time I’d ever heard of this plan. ‘How else?’ I asked Father.
‘The Big Four — ourselves, Britain, China, the Soviet Union — we’ll be
responsible for the peace of the world after. …
‘… It’s
already high time for us to be thinking of the future, building for it. … These
great powers will have to assume the tasks of bringing education, raising the
standards of living, improving the health conditions — of all the backward,
depressed colonial areas of the world.
‘And
when they’ve had a chance to reach maturity, they must have the opportunity
extended them of independence. After the United Nations as a whole have decided
that they are prepared for it.
‘If
this isn’t done, we might as well agree that we’re in for another war.’
Elliott’s
book as quoted in the 17 September 1946 Look Magazine:
“Father
remarked,” says Elliott Roosevelt, “on how British and French financiers had
dredged riches out of colonies. …” He continued later, “How do they belong to
France? Why does Morocco, inhabited by Moroccans, belong to France? By what
logic and custom and historical rule?”
——
Obviously,
Winston Churchill’s dream came true when FDR died on 12 April 1945 and became
replaced by Truman.
Among
those statements by FDR, the one specifically regarding the Philippines has
particular relevance today. The 1951 U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty
violated what FDR had said to Churchill, “I’m glad you mentioned them. They get
their independence, you know, in 1946.” That U.S. commitment, “freedom,” to the
Philippine nation, had already been made. He promised to Churchill that it
would be fulfilled, and that therefore Churchill would not be able to say that
America is an imperialist power as England is. It was a basic commitment from
him. Furthermore, FDR said:
“No
artificial barriers,” Father pursued. “As few favored economic
agreements as possible. Opportunities for expansion. Markets open for healthy
competition.” His eye wandered innocently around the room.
Churchill
shifted in his armchair. “The British Empire trade agreements,” he began
heavily, “are — ”
Father
broke in. “Yes. Those Empire trade agreements are a case in point. It’s because
of them that the people of India and Africa, of all the colonial Near East and
Far East, are still as backward as they are.”
And: “‘The
peace,’ said Father firmly, ‘cannot include any continued despotism. The
structure of the peace demands and will get equality of peoples.’”
He linked
bilateral, and also multilateral, trade treaties, to the creation of both World
Wars. The United States, after his death, has used them in exactly the same way
— building toward a WW III. Truman was the death of FDR’s plan. For example,
Barack Obama’s proposed TTIP international-trade treaty for the Pacific was
specifically designed against China, so as to isolate and diminish China in
international trade — precisely the sorts of things that FDR had condemned in
his statements to Churchill. Obama was an anti-FDR, pro-Truman, Democrat, who
repeatedly emphasized, “The United States is and remains
the one indispensable nation.” Every other nation
is “dispensable.” Hitler had agreed with Obama’s view, except that in Hitler’s
mind, Germany was the only indispensable nation.
In a
sense, Hitler posthumously won WW II. His ideology, imperialistic fascism certainly did.
The
Philippine President, Rodrigo Duterte, condemns U.S.
imperialism and repels any dependency of his country upon the U.S. military. He explains “I have
nothing against America. They’re perfectly alright. Trump is my friend. But my
foreign policy has shifted from the pro-Western one. I am now working on
alliance with China, and I hope to start a good working relationship with
Russia. Why? Because the Western world, the EU, and everything – it’s all this
double talk.”
CONSEQUENTLY:
The path
forward for China will be increasingly for China to serve as a defender of the
independence of the nations in its area (such as the Philippines), so that they
won’t need to accept the U.S. regime’s offers of military assistance. Either
this, or else China itself will cede control of its own neighborhood over to a
distant enemy-nation, the ceaselessly grasping U.S. regime, and might as well
just quit altogether, and become an American pawn itself.
Either all
of the nations in that area will thrive together, or else the U.S.-UK alliance
will succeed at crushing and swallowing-up them all.
This means
that in the conflicts that China has with its nearby nations, China must grant
those nations’ interests as being also China’s interests.
China must accept its obligation to defend their interests in order to become
enabled to assert its own. Only if this is done will those nearby nations ally
with China against the U.S. Empire, not just militarily, but also in regard to
commerce and trade. For China not to take on this obligation
would be unacceptable, not only for China, but for the entire world. Regardless
of what China wants, China has this obligation, now, to protect its region,
against America’s billionaires, and their military, and their corporations.
However,
the U.S. regime’s unmistakable threat now to block China’s freight-traffic
through the South China Sea will succeed if China becomes the first side to
attack and tries to down any U.S. forces there. Even if the U.S. strikes
without warning and with no clear excuse, China will need to hold back for a
while, before retaliating. The U.S. has arrayed an awesome striking force in
that area. China will have to wait until the U.S. attacks it first, in any
event, but now is the time for China to negotiate with its neighbors. Otherwise
China will have almost the whole world against it, if China provides the bad
optics of having been the first to strike.
During
this time, therefore, China needs to be negotiating with each of the other
regional players in order to persuade each one that only a unified facing-down
against the U.S. in that region can even possibly salvage the independence of
each one of them from now on. Russia may also need to be brought into the
arrangement as a protector of China, just in case the U.S. turns out to be
uncompromising in its intention to take over the entire world. Either Russia
will soon enter this new World War that the UK-U.S. regimes are already waging,
or else Russia will be forced to enter it only after Russia’s major allies will
already have been swallowed-up by the U.S. The safer choice for Russia is
consequently to enter the war sooner, as a guarantor for their side, their
allies, the independent nations, than to enter it after those nations have
already been defeated and swallowed-up.
—————
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